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i^LlBRARY OF CONGRESS. 

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i- UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.; Usi 



HISTORICAL PAPERS 



BY 



CHARLES WESLEY TUTTLE. 




jui^^f£^ccA^ 




Capt. Francis Champernownh, 

THE DUTCH CONQUEST OF ACADIE. 

BY 

CHARLES WESLEY TUTTLE, ESQ., Ph.D. 

EDITED BY 

ALBERT HARRISON HOYT, A.M., 
With Historical Notes. 

IV/TH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, 
By JOHN WARD DEAN, A.M. 



BOSTON: 

PRINTED BY JOHN WILSON AND SON, 
SHniberatta ?Ptess. 

MDCCCT.XXXIX. 

L • 



N0.. 



f3f>B8 

THREE HUNDRED COPIES. 







TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page 

List of Illustrations ix 

Preface xi-x\i 

Memoir of Charles Wesley Tuttle 1-54 

Memoir of Mrs. Ma.ry Louisa Tuttle 5 7-59 

Captain FRA^XIS Champernowne 61-124 

I. His AncestT)- and Kindred 61-100 

n. His Life in New England 100-124 

Conquest of Acadie by the Dutch 127-159 

The Report of ax Indian Massacre at Fox Point, Xewing- 

TON, New Hampshire 163-171 

Establishment of the Royal Provincial Government of New 

Hampshire 175-194 

New Hampshire w^TH0UT Provincial Govern?*ient .... 197-214 

Hope-Hood 217-221 

Christopher Kilby 225-238 

Hugh Percy 241-267 

CoL"RT OF Vice- Admiralty over America 271-274 

Edward Randolph 277-326 

His Will 280-281 

Notes on Edward Randolph and his Ancestn,* 282-321 

Letters and Papers in Print 321-325 

Letter to Gyles Randolph 325 

Letter to John Usher 326 



vi Table of Contents. 

APPENDIX. 

Page 

No. I. Combinations for Local Government in New 

Hampshire 329-335 

On the Lower Pascataqua 329 

At Exeter ZZ^ 

In the Hilton Patent m 

No. 2. Francis Champernowne's Will 335-^33^ 

No. 3. The Cutt, Elliot, and Elliott Families .... 338-340 
No. 4. The King's Letter to Massachusetts, announcing 

War with the United Provinces, 3 April, 1672 . 341-343 
No. 5. Action of the Governor and Council on Receipt 
OF the King's Letter in Regard to the Dutch 

Fleet 343-345 

No. 6. Letters of Count Frontenac 345-349 

Count Frontenac's Report to M. Colbert 345-347 

Count Frontenac's Letter of Safe-Conduct to M. Norman- 

ville 347-348 

Count Frontenac's Letter to the Magistrates at Boston . 348-349 
No. 7. John Freake's Complaint of Injuries to his Ves- 
sel 349-350 

No. 8. Order of the Governor and Council to stop all 

Vessels going to the eastward from Boston . 350-352 
Captain Mosley ordered with a Naval Force against dep- 
redators on Massachusetts Shipping 351 

Instructions for Captain Mosley 35^-352 

No. 9. Deposition of George Manning 352-355 

No. 10. Examination of the Prisoners captured by Cap- 
tain Mosley 355-357 

No. II. Indictment and Sentence in the Case of Peter 

Roderigo and of John Rhoade 358-359 

No. 12. Defence of the Prisoners charged with Piracy 360-376 
No. 13. The Commissions from the Dutch West India 
Company to John Rhoade and Cornelis Steen- 
WYCK 376-381 



Table of Contents. vii 

Page 
No. 14. Letter from the Dutch Ambassador to the King 

OF Great Britain respecting the Prisoners 

held at Boston, 5 August, 1675 382 

No. 15. Orders in Council on the Dutch Ambassador's 

Memorial, ii February, 1676 383 

The King's Letter to the Governor and Council of 

Massachusetts, 18 February, 1676 384 

No. 16. Answer of the Governor and Council of Massa- 
chusetts TO the Dutch Ambassador's Memo- 
rial, 5 October, 1676 385-388 

No. 17. Correspondence between the States-General and 
THE English Court respecting the Arrest and 
Trial of Rhoade and others as Pirates, etc. . 389-399 

The Dutch Ambassador's Letter to the States-General, 

15 August, 1679 389-390 

Memorial of the Dutch Ambassador to the King of Great 

Britain, 14 August, 1679 390~39^ 

Letter from the Dutch West India Company to the States- 
General, 1679 391-393 

Letter from the Dutch Ambassador to the States-General, 
22 August, 1679, enclosing the King's Reply to 
the Memorial of the, Dutch Ambassador, 8 Au- 
gust, 1679 393-394 

Letter from the Dutch Ambassador to the States-General, 

3 October, 1679, with enclosures 394— 39^ 

Letter from the Dutch West India Company to the States- 
General 398-399 



LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. 



/ Page 

Portrait of Charles Wesley Tutti,e to face Titlepage. 

^ Dartmouth, Devon to face 64 

^ Dartington House, Devon (ancient view) to face 69 

^ Dartington House (modern view) to face 70 

r^ Portrait of Gawen Champernowne to face 72 

/ Entrance to Fulford House, Devon to face 78 

V Fulford House ^oface 79 

^ Site of Francis Champernowne's House, Greenland, 

New Hampshire ^^face 104 

^ Map of Pascataqua to face 11 1 

y Facsimile of Signatures to Francis Champernowne's 

Will to face 121 

/ Francis Champernowne's Grave, Champernowne's Island, 

KiTTERV, Maine ^^face 124 



PREFACE. 



/^HARLES WESLEY TUTTLE was my intimate 
friend and companion, and his death is a source 
of abiding sorrow. By all who duly appreciated his char- 
acter, ability, and attainments, his decease was greatly 
mourned. Speaking after the manner of men, he seems 
to have been cut off in the midst of his years, and before 
he had accomplished his most cherished purposes. 

Mr. Tuttle contemplated an historical work of larger 
scope than anything he gave to the press, or anything he 
left in manuscript. His studies and many of his writings 
were but preliminary to this more elaborate undertaking. 
It will continue to be a matter of regret that this intent 
was not realized. 

In his addresses and papers read before historical soci- 
eties, in his contributions to the public press, and espe- 
cially in his Life of Captain John Mason, the founder of 
New Hampshire, — a work completed and edited since the 



xii Preface. 

author's death by John Ward Dean, A.M., with acknowl- 
edged abiHty and learning, — Mr. Tuttle gave ample evi- 
dence that he possessed in a large measure the qualifications 
for writing authentic and authoritative history. 

First of all, he was indefatigable and thorough in re- 
search, even to the minutest details. But, what is of the 
highest importance, he estimated facts in their proper 
relation and due proportion. To this it is to be added 
that he was singularly free from the bias of place, of party, 
and of early education. He had in a rare degree the 
judicial faculty as applied to historical events and charac- 
ters. Having reached his conclusions, he was fearless in 
expression, — fearing nothing save the danger of falling 
into error. 

Born and bred in New England, and a life-long stu- 
dent of her history, he was proud of the stock from which 
he grew, — a stock having its root in the civilization of Old 
England, — the men and the women who colonized this 
northern wilderness, and, under extraordinary hazards and 
difficulties, laid the foundations for prosperous common- 
wealths of self-governing peoples. A history of New 
England colonization and of New England affairs in the 
seventeenth century was suited to his trained faculties and 
large information. Had he accomplished this, as he de- 
signed, the result could not have failed to be valuable. 

Mr. Tuttle left a considerable number of papers on his- 
torical subjects which, it is evident, he intended to enlarge 



Preface. xiii 

and complete for publication in a durable form. These 
papers were carefully arranged and preserved by his widow 
and her father, the late Honorable John C. Park. Pursu- 
ant to the testamentary direction of Mrs. Tuttle, — as 
more fully appears on the fifty-eighth page of this volume, 
in the graceful sketch of her life by Mrs. Harriet Prescott 
Spofford, her intimate friend, — a selection from these 
papers has been made for the press. They constitute the 
chief portion of this collection of Historical Papers. 

Having been asked to edit these Papers, I have en- 
deavored to discharge the duty committed to me in such 
a manner as not to detract from the author's justly earned 
reputation. An effort has been made to verify every ma- 
terial statement by a careful reference to the authorities 
cited by the author and to other original sources of infor- 
mation. This has required much time and labor. Only 
such additions have been made as were necessary to com- 
plete the narrative of events, and only such corrections 
as were required in the light of facts discovered since the 
author's death. In no instance has any alteration been 
made which would in the slightest degree change his 
expressed opinions, judgments, or criticisms. These rep- 
resent his deliberate conclusions, for which he was willino; 
to be responsible. 

Notes and other historical illustrations have been added 
by the editor where it seemed necessary or desirable. The 
most extended of these notes relate to Edward Randolph, 



xiv Preface. 

and are intended to be illustrative of Mr. Tuttle's paper 
which precedes them. These notes contain much new 
matter pertaining to one of the most remarkable characters 
in the early history of New England. 

The volume is enriched with portraits, views of his- 
torical scenes and places, and other illustrations. For the 
views of houses and scenes in Devonshire, the editor is 
indebted to the Reverend Richard Champernowne, M.A., 
the venerable Rector of Dartington, England, and to his 
nephew, the late Arthur Champernowne, Esquire, of Dart- 
ington Hall. To the Reverend Mr. Champernowne I am 
indebted also for the portrait of one of his most distin- 
guished ancestors. He informs me that it is the portrait 
of Gawen Champernowne, grandfather of Captain Francis 
Champernowne. It is still preserved at the Hall, and 
bears the date of 1590. In the upper right-hand corner 
is the following inscription : " II donne tout qui donne soi- 
meme." This may properly be understood as referring 
to the valiant service in arms rendered by Gawen Cham- 
pernowne to the Huguenots of France under one of 
their most eminent leaders, the Count Montgomery, whose 
daughter Gawen Champernowne married, as is related by 
Mr. Tuttle in the following pages. 

The Appendix includes a considerable number of in- 
teresting papers and documents, obtained in part from 
foreign archives, and now for the first time printed. In 
the Paper (No. i) entitled "Combinations for Local Gov- 



Preface. xv 

ernment in New Hampshire," the editor has stated all 
that is known, as he believes, of the history and character 
of those early attempts at self-government. 

Since Mr. Tuttle's death several of his most valued 
foreign correspondents have passed away. Among his 
English correspondents were the late Reverend Frederick 
Brown, M.A. ; Arthur Champernowne, Esquire, already 
named ; and Colonel Joseph L. Chester, D.C.L. Their 
warm interest in the author's researches entitles their 
names to this mention. Among the living, to whom the 
editor is much indebted, is Edmund Randolph, Esquire, of 
the Isle of Wight. 

From John Ward Dean, A.M., the learned editor of 
the New England Historical and Genealogical Register, I 
have received valuable aid. The multitude of persons who 
for the space of twoscore years have profited by his re- 
markable knowledge of New England history will appreciate 
how serviceable that aid has been. 

My acknowledgments are likewise due to John S. H. 
Fogg, M.D., of Boston, whose rich collection of original 
papers was always open to Mr. Tuttle, as it has been to 
the editor. I am also indebted to the Honorable Andrew 
M. Haines, of Galena, Illinois, not only for the use of his 
correspondence with Mr. Tutde respecting the early his- 
tory of Greenland, New Hampshire, but also for infor- 
mation on the same subject kindly communicated to 
me. Mention should also be made of assistance in my 



xvi Preface. 

researches from the Honorable Charles Levi Woodbury, 
of Boston ; from Mr. Edward F. Safford and Mrs. H. S. 
Hinman, both of Kittery, Maine ; from J. Hamilton 
Shapley, Esquire, of Exeter, New Hampshire ; from Mr. 
J. Clement Weeks and Charles W. Pickering, A.M., 
both of Greenland; and from Mr. Nathaniel J. Herrick, 
of Portland, Maine. My thanks are also due to Abner C. 
Goodell, Jr., Esquire, of Salem, for the generous loan of his 
copies of certain papers in the archives of the State. I 
should be remiss did I not acknowledge my obligations 
to the Honorable John J. Currier, of Newburyport, the 
executor of Mrs. Tuttle's Will, for his lively interest in the 
preparation of this volume, and for his wise counsel. 

I gladly avail myself of this opportunity to return my 
thanks to Messrs. John Wilson & Son, University Press, 
Cambridge, and to their very excellent proof-readers and 
printers, who have so faithfully and successfully co-operated 
in the work of giving a fitting typographical dress to this 
volume. All here named have thus helped in various ways 
to carry into execution in a worthy manner the last Will 
and Testament of Mrs. Tuttle, in this final expression of 
her respect for the memory of her lamented husband. 

A. H. H. 
Boston, i6 Marlborough Street, 
20 September, 1889. 



MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR, 

BY JOHN WARD DEAN. 



MEMOIR. 



r^HARLES WESLEY TUTTLE was born in New- 
^ field, Maine, Nov. i, 1829. His father, Mr. Moses 
Tuttle, was a descendant in the sixth generation from John 
Tuttle, who settled at Dover, N. H., previous to 1640. His 
mother, Mary, daughter of Lieut. Joseph Merrow, was the 
fifth in descent from Dr. Samuel Merrow, or Merry, who 
was an inhabitant of Dover as early as 1720. The subject 
of this Memoir numbered among his ancestors many of the 
early settlers of New Hampshire, and was allied by blood 
to some of the most distinguished personages in the history 
of that State.^ 

His boyhood was passed with his parents at Newfield, 
and the rudiments of his education were obtained in the 
schools there. From an early age he was an ardent admirer 
of the works of Nature, and, having a keen eye and an 
observing spirit, he soon became familiar with every flower, 
tree, bird, and animal in his neighborhood. He delighted 

^ For Mr. Tuttle's paternal and ma- vol. xxi. pp. 132-140; and the Hon. 
ternal ancestry, see the New England John Wentworth's Wentworth Gene- 
Historical and Genealogical Register, alogy, Boston, 1878, vol. ii. p. 284. 



4 Memoir of the Author. 

in studying their peculiarities and habits. But his chief 
attraction was found in the sky above him. Night after 
night he watched with wonder and awe the myriad stars in 
the heavens, studying their motions when he had no help 
except that furnished him by a common almanac. 

He availed himself of every source of information bearing 
upon his favorite study. When from twelve to fourteen 
years old, while attending the district school at Newiield, 
then taught by Mr. Eben Hurd, afterwards a physician, 
one of the scholars, Hannah Cranch Bond, some three or 
four years older than himself, had a copy of Elijah H. 
Burritt's book. The Geography of the Heavens, which 
she was studying. A schoolmate, Mrs. Hannah Drew 
Hutchings, now residing at Kittery Depot, Maine, who 
furnishes this information, writes to me that she remembers 
when Miss Bond, Charles, and herself were returning from 
spelling-schools in the evening. Miss Bond would often talk 
about astronomy, and point out the different stars and con- 
stellations ; and she recollects that her schoolmate, at sub- 
sequent meetings, frequently expressed surprise at the judg- 
ment shown by Charles in his observations. Miss Bond 
was a niece of William Cranch Bond the astronomer, and 
a second cousin to Charles. 

His mother died Aug. 23, 1845. Charles was the eldest 
child of the family which she left. Besides him there were 
four sons and one daughter,^ all of whom are now dead, 
with the exception of three sons, — Freeman, residing at 
Cambridge, Mass. ; Horace Parnell, attached to the Naval 

1 See Wentworth Genealogy, 1878, vol. ii. pp. 284-286, for their names and 
the events in their lives. 



Memoir of the Author, 5 

Observatory at Washington, a distinguished astronomer, 
the discoverer of Tuttle's Comet, and of two planets, Maia 
and Clytia; and Lieutenant Francis, of Oakland, Cal., an 
officer of the United States Revenue Marine. Charles, who 
at the death of his mother was nearly sixteen years old, was 
placed in the family of his uncle, Mr. John W. Tuttle, of 
Dover, N. H. Mr. Tuttle's wife was a sister, and he was 
a cousin, of Charles's father. In religion they were Meth- 
odists, as were also — as might be inferred from the Chris- 
tian names they gave to him, their eldest son — Charles's 
parents. Under the influences of this denomination Charles 
was brought up. Later in life his views inclined to Unita- 
rianism, to which denomination his wife and her family 
belonged. His father and uncle were Democrats in politics, 
and Charles acted with this party during his life. 

At Dover, Charles attended the town schools, and made 
good progress in his studies. An intimate friend of later 
years, the Rev. Alonzo H. Quint, D.D., who had charge 
temporarily of a school which he attended, has described 
him to me as a bright and studious scholar, and very quick 
of apprehension. When the time arrived for him to se- 
lect an occupation for life, he chose that of a printer, and 
pleaded hard that he might be apprenticed to it; but his 
uncle would not comply with his wishes, thinking it better 
that he should be taught his own trade, that of a carpenter. 
As an apprentice he was industrious and skilful, faithfully 
discharging all his duties. The time not required for work, 
however, was devoted to study, and this was often protracted 
to the hour of midnight. His passion for astronomy and 
mathematics continued, and books that taught him these 



6 Memoir of the Author. 

subjects had a preference, though his reading made him fa- 
miliar with belles-lettres, history, and general literature. He 
would sit with the household about him, with callers com- 
ing and going, and would know nothing of what occurred, 
so intent was he on the book before him. The neigh- 
bors made inquiries, too, as to who was at the Tuttles', for 
there was a light from one window all night long. His 
aunt, a sister of his father, sympathized with the lad, and to 
her he confided his plans of life. He said to her, " I mean 
to do something worth living for." This, it has been well 
said, was " the key-note of his single-minded and faithful 
spirit." His fondness for astronomy has been mentioned. 
" The sublime phenomena of the starry heavens made a 
deep impression on his youthful mind long before he could 
understand the science. The impressive phenomenon of an 
eclipse of the sun in 1836," when he was six years old, "for- 
ever fixed his interest in astronomy. The great comet of 
1843, so grand and mysterious, also made a deep and lasting 
impression on him. While still a boy he constructed with 
his own hands the first telescope he ever saw, and was de- 
lighted to see in it all the wonderful celestial phenomena 
discovered by Galileo." ^ 

This telescope is still preserved, and those who have seen 
it are surprised that so perfect a piece of mechanism should 
have been constructed, considering the disadvantages under 
which he labored. The telescope is now the property of 
Mr. James G. Shute, of Jamaica Plain, Mass., who was an 
apprentice in the same shop that Charles's uncle occu- 

* Unpublished Memoir of Mr. Tuttle, author unknown. 



Memoir of the Author. 7 

pied when the telescope was constructed. Mr. Shute in- 
forms me that Charles could not wait to make a tripod 
on which to mount it before he tried it, but the two friends 
fastened it to a stake in a fence against a snow-drift, and 
took a look through it at the stars. It was on a very 
cold night, and Mr. Shute thinks it was in December. As 
neither of them had looked through a telescope before, they 
were both of course very much excited ; but Mr Shute does 
not remember which looked through the telescope first. 
The friends had similar tastes, and Mr. Shute, who had a 
small library, loaned a number of books to his friend, among 
them Shakspeare's works, and a set of the writings of 
Thomas Dick, LL.D., whose books on astronomy were 
then very popular. It was the Practical Astronomy of Dr. 
Dick that suggested to the youth the construction of a 
telescope, and furnished directions for making it. 

At one time Charles heard that Dr. Dick was coming to 
this country, and inquired about it of Dr. Robert Thompson, 
of Dover, a gentleman of literary and scientific tastes. Dr. 
Thompson was a native of Scotland and a graduate of the 
Royal College of Surgeons, and had recently settled at 
Dover. The conversation which followed, and the thirst 
for knowledge shown by the boy, caused the doctor, who 
had a large library, to say, " Charles, my library is always 
free to you." It is needless to state that the privilege was 
appreciated and gladly accepted. Young Tuttle found 
here many books on scientific as well as other subjects, the 
contents of which he eagerly devoured. Another place 
where he found food for his mind was the bookstore of 
Deacon Edmund J. Lane, who was often surprised by his 



8 Memoir of the Author. 

inquiries for books that the veteran bookseller had never 
seen, and sometimes had never heard of. 

He had heard of the Observatory, then recently estab- 
lished at Cambridge, and had an ardent desire to visit it. 
Availing himself of a holiday, he repaired to Cambridge. 
Without any introduction he presented himself at the 
Observatory and asked permission of Prof. William Cranch 
Bond, the Director, to examine the telescope. He was at 
first refused ; but a remark which he made, as he was going 
away, struck Professor Bond with surprise, and he granted 
him permission. This was the first telescope, except the 
small one he had himself constructed, that he had ever 
seen. 

In 1849 his father, who had the previous year married 
again, removed to Cambridge, Mass., and Charles went with 
him. It is said that Charles had some influence with his 
step-mother and his father in selecting Cambridge as their 
residence. Not long after their removal to that city Charles 
made the acquaintance of Truman Henry Safford, a youth 
of thirteen years, whose wonderful achievements in mathe- 
matics and astronomy were then astonishing the learned 
world. Young Safford, who was preparing to enter Har- 
vard College, and was a frequent visitor at the Observa- 
tory, obtained the consent of Professor Bond to invite Mr. 
Tuttle to accompany him in his visits, — a privilege which 
was much guarded. The professor was struck with Mr. 
Tuttle's interest in and knowledge of astronomy. The re- 
sult was that the latter was invited to accept a position 
there. Mr. Tuttle gladly availed himself of the oppor- 
tunity. In July, 1850, three years after the Observatory 



Memoir of the Author. 9 

had been established, he entered it as a student with a small 
stipend. Here he spent a few months in studying practical 
astronomy, and the use of astronomical instruments. The 
acquaintance with astronomy which he showed, — an ac- 
quaintance which he had derived solely from the study of 
books, and from sweeping the heavens nightly with his 
small telescope, — surprised Professor Bond. 

Mr. Tuttle made such rapid progress in his astronomical 
studies, that in the following October he was elected by 
the College Corporation as Second Assistant Observer, 
and this election was unanimously confirmed by the Over- 
seers, Feb. 7, 185 1. He now had a larger salary, and en- 
tered with zeal upon his chosen profession, which he ar- 
dently hoped, and had good reason to believe, would be 
his life labor. His pursuit of astronomy, and particu- 
larly of practical astronomy, was rewarded with gratifying 
success. 

Less than six months after he entered the Observatory 
as a student, and the month after his appointment as an 
observer, he was able to make an important addition to 
scientific knowledge. A series of observations on the 
planet Saturn and its rings had, since 1847, been made at 
the Observatory.^ In one of these observations Professor 
Bond discovered new and interesting phenomena in connec- 
tion with the rings of Saturn. On the 15th of November, 
1850, Mr. Tuttle's observations led him to furnish a satis- 
factory scientific explanation of these phenomena by show- 

^ These observations were begun in printed in the Annals of the Astronomi- 
the summer of 1847, and ended in the cal Observatory of Harvard College, 
spring of 1857. An account of them is vol. ii. pt. i., 1857, pp. 1-136. 



lo Memoir of the Author. 

ing the existence of a new interior ring, now known as the 
Dusky Ring of Saturn. Mr, Tuttle's record of his obser- 
vations on that night is as follows: — 

Saturn looks remarkably distinct, its belts are easily seen, and 
the division of the ring is quite conspicuous. I notice that dark 
penumbral light, on the inside of the interior ring at its greatest 
apparent elongation from the ball, which I have seen several times 
before on good nights. It resembles very much the unilluminated 
part of the disc of the moon just before and after conjunction with 
the sun. It is similar on either side of the planet. Its estimated 
width is about the same as that of the outer ring, or a little less. 
The greatest width of this dark ring is at a point on each side of the 
planet, in a line with the axis major of the other rings. From this 
point it diminishes as it passes behind and in front of the planet, 
where it appears as a dark line on the disc. Close to the inner 
edge of the interior ring, the inside of this dark ring is very sharply 
defined, but I cannot see that it is detached from it. A dark band 
of considerable width, the shadow of the ring on the disc of the 
planet, is seen below.^ 

Prof. William C. Bond appends the following note to the 
record as printed : — 

On the evening of the 15th the idea was first suggested by Mr. 
Tuttle of explaining the penumbral light bordering the interior edge 
of the bright ring outside of the ball, as well as the dusky line cross- 
ing the disc on the side of the ring opposite to that where its shadow 
was projected on the ball, by referring both phenomena to the ex- 
istence of an interior dusky ring, now first recognized as forming 
part of the system of Saturn. This explanation needed only to be 
proposed, to insure its immediate acceptance as the true and only 
satisfactory solution of the singular appearances which the view of 

^ Annals of the Astronomical Observatory, vol. ii. p. 48. 



Memoir of the Author. 1 1 

Saturn had presented during the past season, and which we had 
previously been unable to account for.^ 

In 1852 Mr. Tuttle, being worn out with long and un- 
interrupted application to his duties at the Harvard College 
Observatory, was advised to go into New Hampshire and 
there rest. " Upon this," he writes, " I resolved to visit the 
White Mountains, and satisfy a youthful longing and am- 
bition. Taking a few scientific instruments for my amuse- 
ment while absent, I set out for Dover, where I remained 
several weeks. While there I made an excursion to the 
Isles of Shoals, and stayed a few days at the Appledore 
House.^ On my return to Dover I was so far recovered as 
to undertake my journey to the Mountains." He left Dover, 
July 13, and in two days reached Gibbs's hotel, and on the 
next morning, July 15, on horseback, began the ascent of 
Mt. Washington, reaching the summit at half-past twelve, 
after a ride from the hotel of three hours and forty minutes. 
His "chief purpose, a long cherished one, was to compare 
the lustre of the stars and planets, seen from that great 
height, with their lustre at the sea-level, and also to witness 
the sublime phenomena of a sunset and sunrise." 

He found at the summit men engaged in building the 
first house erected on the top of that mountain. " It was 
a structure," he says, " whose walls were of rough stone, — 
quarried on the site, as I was informed, — one story high 
and of considerable length, with a wooden roof kept down 
to the walls by strong cables of rope thrown over the ridge 

^ Annals of the Astronomical Obser- 1852, from Appledore House, Isles of 
vatory, vol, ii. p. 48. Shoals, was printed in the Dover Ga- 

2 A letter from him, dated July 7, zette about that time. 



12 Memoir of the Author. 

and fastened to rocks. Workmen were just finishing the 
southern gable, while others were employed inside." A 
straggling party of tourists followed him, but they returned 
about two o'clock in the afternoon. Mr. Tuttle asked per- 
mission to pass the night in the building, but was told that 
it was not ready. On explaining the object of his visit, he 
was told that he could stay if he would put up with their 
fare. Before sunset the summit of the mountain became 
enveloped in a thick cloud, shutting out the view of the 
heavens and the landscape on all sides. " A nightcap had 
been set," he writes, " on the head of Mt. Washington, and 
there remained till break of day, when it was silently and 
quietly withdrawn, to give me, what I much longed for, a 
sunrise, the most magnificent spectacle that I ever expect 
to witness. My disappointment in not seeing the stars and 
planets was much lessened on seeing the sun rise over so 
vast a region of territory. I did not cease to deplore my 
failure to see the midnight heavens. The workmen ex- 
pressed their sympathy for me, but seemed to agree that 
I ought to be satisfied with having seen a sunrise, and 
with being the first traveller to sleep in a house on Mt. 
Washington."^ 

In the following autumn he took a voyage to Philadel- 
phia, leaving Boston on the 25th of September, and arriving 

1 Three accounts of Mr. Tattle's first dated Oct. 15, 1879, appeared in The 

ascent of Mt. Washington, in July. 1852, State Press, Dover, N. H., on the 24th 

written by himself, have been printed, of that month. The third account, date 

Tlie first, a letter from Gibbs's Hotel, unknown, was printed one year after his 

White Mountains, dated July 16, 1852, death, in Burt's Among the Clouds, — 

the day of his return from the summit, a newspaper printed on the summit of 

appeared soon after in the Dover Ga- Mt. Washington, — July 14, 1S82. 
zette. The second, a letter from Boston, 



Memoir of the Author. 13 

at Philadelphia on the morning of the 27th. A diary of 
this voyage is preserved among Mr. Tuttle's papers. He 
visited various places of interest in that historic city, and 
wrote two descriptive letters to the editor of the Dover 
Gazette, who printed them in his newspaper.^ 

On the evening of Thursday, March 8, 1853, at about 
nine o'clock, Mr. Tuttle discovered a telescopic comet in 
the constellation Eridanus, about five degrees south, pre- 
ceding the bright star Rigel, and computed the elements 
of its orbit and an ephemeris of its course. This comet 
revolves around the sun in not less than sixteen hundred 
years. In a newspaper article by Mr. Tuttle, published in 
1858, relating to fourteen comets which had then been dis- 
covered at the Harvard College Observatory, — nine by Mr. 
George P. Bond, one by himself, and four by his brother, Mr. 
Horace P. Tuttle, — the difficulties attending the discovery 
of telescopic comets are thus described : — 

Few persons are aware of the patience and labor exercised by 
the astronomer in making discoveries of this kind. It requires 
several years' study and practice, to qualify one to discover a 
telescopic comet. It is undoubtedly very easy to look at a comet, 
already visible to the naked eye in the heavens ; but when it is 
required to discover an unknown one, wandering in its " long travel 
of a thousand years " in the profound abyss of space, the labor then 
becomes truly prodigious. The amount of physical suffering, occa- 
sioned by exposure to all kinds of temperature, the bending and 
twisting of the body when examining near the zenith, and the con- 
stant strain of the eye, cannot be fully understood and appreciated 
by one unacquainted with an astronomer's life. 

* These letters bear date Sept. 29, and Oct. i, 1852. 



14 Memoir of the Attthor. 

The astronomer with his telescope begins at the going down of 
the sun, and examines, in zones, with the utmost care and vigilance, 
the starry vault, and continues till the " circling hours " bring the 
sun to the eastern horizon, when star and comet fade from his view. 
It requires several nights to complete a thorough survey of the 
heavens ; and often these nights do not follow in succession, being 
interrupted by the full moon, by cloud and auroras, and by various 
other meteorological phenomena. He is frequently vexed by pass- 
ing clouds fleeting through the midnight sky, and strong and chilly 
breezes of the night. His labors are continued throughout the year ; 
and his unwearied exertions do not slacken during the long wintry 
nights, when the frozen particles of snow and ice, driven before the 
northern blast, cause the stars to sparkle with unusual lustre, and 
his breath to congeal on the eye-piece of his telescope. It frequently 
happens that his labors are not crowned with a discovery until after 
several years* search. 

It was with great satisfaction that Mr. Tuttle was able to 
announce to the scientific world, so early in his astronomi- 
cal career, the discovery of a telescopic comet. Afterwards 
it was learned that the comet "had been seen two days 
earlier at Rome by Professor Secchi,"^ but this discovery of 
course was unknown in this country. 

It was not long before Mr. Tuttle became known among 
astronomers as a skilful observer and expert calculator. 
The archives of the Observatory show how diligently and 
extensively he explored the heavens while his health per- 
mitted him to do so. He and Prof. George P. Bond jointly 
made the observations of the fixed stars which form the first 
series of Zone Observations printed in the Annals of the 
Observatory.^ 

^ Annals of the Astronomical Observatory, vol. i. p. clxxii. 
' Annals, vol. i. pt. ii. 



Memoir of the Author. 15 

On Friday, the 26th of May, 1854, there was an annular 
eclipse of the sun ; and preparations were made by Pro- 
fessor Bond to have it observed in New Hampshire from 
the top of Mt. Washington, and in its vicinity, points near 
the northern limit of the annular phase of the eclipse. In 
accordance with previous arrangements with Dr. Alexan- 
der Dallas Bache, the superintendent of the United States 
Coast Survey, three of Professor Bond's assistants, Mr. 
George P. Bond, Mr. Tuttle, and Mr. Richard F. Bond, 
were furnished with telescopes and time-keepers for this 
duty.^ On the 17th of May they left Cambridge for the 
White Mountains. A diary of this expedition by Mr. Tuttle 
is preserved among his papers. After arriving at the White 
Mountains, Mr. Richard F. Bond proceeded to the Station 
House to take observations there, and Mr. George P. Bond 
and Mr. Tuttle, attended by guides, started for the summit 
of Mt. Washington, which they reached amid a drenching 
storm of rain -and hail, on the afternoon of Thursday the 
25th. " The storm raged fearfully, and the wind rushed 
around the summit with great velocity."^ The rain con- 
tinued on Friday, and as there was no appearance of its 
abating, at a quarter before 3 p.m. the party returned. 
After reaching the Glen House, there being indications 
that the clouds would clear away, the telescopes were 
adjusted for observations, but they were again doomed to 
disappointment. 

The same month (May, 1854) Mr. Tuttle was obliged to 
resign his position at the Observatory, which he did with 

1 Annals of the Astronomical Observatory, vol. i. pt. i. p. clxxviii. 

2 Mr. Tuttle s Diary. 



'16 Memoir of the Author, 

great reluctance.^ " Too constant application to astronomi- 
cal work brought on a serious difficulty with his eyesight, 
occasioned in part by the action of the intense light of 
celestial objects seen through the great refractor, and by 
reading the divisions on finely graduated instruments at 
night. A system of treatment failed to relieve him, and 
he was obliged to suspend observing altogether. After 
some delay, finding no relief for his eyes, he reluctantly 
resigned the position of Assistant Observer, a position 
which it had been the aim of his life to attain."^ Professor 
Bond, in his annual report in 1854, thus refers to this 
event : — 

During the year some changes have taken place in regard to 
the assistants at the Observatory. Mr. C. W. Tuttle found himself 
under the necessity of resigning his connection with the Observa- 
tory, in consequence of the failure of his eyesight, a circumstance 
much to be regretted, as he participated faithfully and ardently in 
our pursuits, and had proved an eminently capable assistant during 
the four years of his engagement. A journey to the West, afford- 



1 From an anonymous article pub- Henry Safford, the eminent mathematician, 

lished in the Evening Courier, Boston, v/ho has won independent titles to distinc- 

June 7, 1865, I make these extracts : — tion by important researches in theoretical 

"The personnel of the Observatory has astronomy, vvas then appomted assistant 

never been large ; and, in the order of t''^'''^'\ ^^^% .^r' '"" r'^ • ^'Tt° 

^„^„*o fu.-^ , u„ <;,^* * 1 tu ~ have had any ofncial connection with the 

events, those who nrst turned those mag- <-.< . / -^ ^ « i- i i. • o 

.,:fi^^„^ ; ,-*.. ™„ ^ *„ tu^ u Observatory from Its establishment m iN47. 

nincent instruments to the heavens are now « ™, -' , ^, ,, , ^' 

^^ .^„,-» Ti „ 1 t I wTw r^ \^ 1 here are, however, three well-known 

no more. 1 he lamented William Cranch • ^-r \ u i , 

T,„ 1 „,„„,• i.„ 1 1 .1 . ^- f»i scientific gentlemen who have been acting 

Isond superintended the construction of the • ^ ^^ ^ ■ .. -..i • ^i, i ^ 

r\K, „, iL 1 •.. c I T-v- 4. assistants at various times within the last 

Observatory, and was its first Director. . at • e- i /^ vj n c a 

H.I-', . ,-1 TJi -ir r> 1 ten years, — MaiorSidney Loolidge, U.S.A., 

is son, the late George Phillips Bond, was u •'r n ' ^i ■' .. i ^A cr-\-\ 

appointed first assistant observer, and on ^tn >" the great battle of Chickamauga. 

the death of his father in 1859 became "I^^^^ S^^^^^^^'y leading his regiment to a 

Director. Charles Wesley Tuttle was ap- g^^'-g^ = "7^.f u^T. I Jn >' ^^7 /" 

pointed an assistant observer in 1850, bit Europe, and attached to the United States 

his eyes proving unequal to the sever^ de- ^ayy ; and Prof. Asaph Hall now of the 

mands of astronomy, compelled him to re- National Observatory at Washington, 

sign after a few years' service. Truman ' Anonymous Memoir before quoted. 



Memoir of the Author. 1 7 

Ing relaxation from an undue exertion of his eyes, has so far arrested 
the progress of the malady, as to enable him partially to resume his 
duties as an assistant, while at the same time he has entered himself 
as a law student at Dane Hall. In July, Mr. T. H. Safford, of the 
graduating class of this year, was engaged as an observer and 
computer. More recently Mr. Sidney Coolidge has joined the 
Observatory.* . 

Mr. Tuttle still kept up his interest in astronomy. " He 
not only made occasional telescopic observations, but he 
computed the parabolic elements of the comet of 1857, of 
the three that appeared in 1858, and in i860 observed the 
occupation of Venus; and his several reports were published 
in the Astronomical Journal, printed in Boston, and edited 
by Dr. Benjamin Apthorp Gould." ^ He lectured on astro- 
nomical subjects, and contributed to the magazines and 
newspapers many articles on these subjects. 

On leaving the Observatory he was undecided what pro- 
fession to adopt. After much consideration he chose that 
of the law. On the ist of September, 1854, he entered the 
Harvard Law School, where he remained till the 8th of 
August of the next year, attending the lectures, which gave 
him an opportunity to rest his eyes. 

After the close of the academical year at the Law School, 
he went to England with one of the Chronometric Expedi- 
tions of the United States Coast Survey, for determining 
the difference of longitude between Liverpool, England, 
and Cambridge, Mass. Of this expedition Mr. Tuttle 

1 Annals of the Astronomical Obser- by the Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, A.M., 
vatory, vol. i. pt. i. p. clxxix. in Proceedings of the Massachusetts 

2 Memoir of C. W. Tuttle, Ph.D., Historical Society, vol. xxi. p. 409. 



1 8 Memoir of the Author. 

had joint charge with his friend Mr. Sidney Coolidge. " In 
this important undertaking about fifty chronometers were 
transported across the Atlantic, a strict surveillance being 
maintained over every circumstance which could affect their 
performance. It was a work demanding constant care, and 
a great amount of labor and skill in conducting the astro- 
nomical observations, and in the treatment of the valuable 
collection of instruments employed. To the fidelity and 
scrupulous care in the discharge of this responsible service 
must in a great measure be attributed the complete success 
of the enterprise. The results of these expeditions form the 
most important contribution which has yet been made to the 
determination of the zero of longitude for the western con- 
tinent." Messrs. Coolidge and Tuttle left Boston in the 
steamer Asia at noon on Wednesday, Aug. 15, 1855, and 
arrived at Liverpool, Saturday, August 26. They returned 
in the Africa, which left Liverpool at noon, Saturday, Sep- 
tember I, and reached her dock in Boston, Wednesday, the 
12th of that month. 

Mr. Tuttle kept a diary on his voyages to and from 
England, and during his brief stay there. His keen powers 
of observation are shown by his graphic entries, which 
have frequently a touch of humor. The peculiarities of 
his fellow-passengers, of whom, when he went on board, he 
did not know a single person, with the exception of Mr. 
Coolidge, are well described. His chief attraction, however, 
seems to have been the wonders of Nature. A few of his 
descriptions are here extracted : — 

The wind is apparently blowing from the southeast. It looks 
finely now. A cumuli stratus is dissolving into fine cumuli, 



Memoir of the Author. 19 

making that ' beautiful semblance of a flock at rest,' of Bloomfield. 
They do not appear so round as those seen on land, but only jagged 
and torn. The sun is approaching the horizon, and the ocean 
beneath it looks like liquid gold. . .' . 

A golden sunset. The sun went down amidst a gorgeous array 
of clouds. The sky was covered mostly with broken clouds, ex- 
cept near the horizon, where they were solid and unbroken. The 
sun seemed to break up the uniformity except where it went down 
and made a passage-way glorious to behold. The soft rose-color 
of the under side of the clouds fading away into gold and purple 
seemed to exceed anything I had ever seen. There is a landscape 
painting in the Athenaeum representing the setting of the sun, and 
a flock of sheep lying down and standing up, on a little knoll, 
which I have frequently looked upon with much satisfaction, more 
especially perhaps on account of the peculiar softness of the colors 
of the clouds. The clouds at sunset to-night were scattered and 
tinted like those in that picture, which I well remember, having 
seen it this morning. . . . 

Fog ! Fog ! Fog ! Sometimes we see the sun glimmering 
through the mist, and then we hope for a speedy clearing up. But 
all of a sudden it disappears, and the fog gathers up close to the 
ship, so that we can see but little beyond the sides of it. I am 
tempted to think that we are in the land of Ossian, and I sometimes 
look for the ghosts through whose shadowy forms the stars are said 
to have " dim twinkled." . . . 

It is impossible to describe the beautiful appearance of the 
several groups of gulls, with their snowy breasts rising and sinking 
in the blue waves. We passed a great many, and they made no 
eflbrt to get far from us. Now and then a solitary one looked ex- 
ceedingly beautiful. How contented they seem here in the solitude 
of the Atlantic. The storm and the winds give them no concern. 



20 Memoir of the Author. 

I cannot help leaning over the railing at the stern, gazing upon 
the path which the ship makes. We have heard of the trackless 
ocean ; but for a mile the waters show the terrible track of the 
monster ship. When it is cloudy, or when the sun is east of the 
meridian, there may be seen splendid emerald tints over which liquid 
silver is gliding in a thousand different forms. . . . 

I am not surprised at the murmurs of the sailors of Columbus's 
little expedition, when they had been many days at sea, at the im- 
probability of return, and the dark uncertainty before them. I can- 
not look at the distant horizon, although I am well aware of what 
is beyond, without feelings bordering on the melancholy. There is 
something wonderfully sublime in looking at a horizon which has 
no bounds, and seems to terminate with the blue arch of heaven ; 
the dark-blue waters foaming in the tempest, and the lonely gull 
gliding over the burnished summits of the billows, and skimming 
without effort the vales between them. . . . 

This afternoon the clouds gathered as for a storm, and the 
ship rolled more than it has before on the voyage. At about four 
o'clock it commenced raining, and the ship began to roll more vio- 
lently. The clouds were somewhat broken up in the west, and the 
sun went down giving them a crimson hue of indescribable beauty. 
Later it began to rain hard, and the clouds became thicker and 
blacker as the darkness of the night came on. At nine o'clock, 
ship's time, on deck, it was truly sublime. It rained very fast, and 
there was great darkness on every side. The sails were of inky 
blackness, and as the wind did not blow in a right direction to fill 
them, they flapped occasionally with a great noise, partly owing, I 
suspect, to their being wet. The officer of the deck, who had always 
heretofore had a numerous company of passengers about him, was 
now deserted. He was silent, walking or leaning over the railing 
of the ship, and I could see as he passed, by the light of the binna- 
cle, his long oil-cloth coat glistening with rain-water. The wake of 



Memoir of the Author. 21 

the ship for a great distance was a brilliant galaxy sparkling with 
meteoric stars. Indeed, it resembles one very much, and seemed a 
reflection of that " high and ample road " whose " dust is gold, and 
pavement stars." . . . 

The waves are often compared to mountains ; and though this 
is an exaggeration so far as size is considered, in every other respect 
the comparison is correct. The ship is now riding immense billows, 
the result of the storm yesterday, and they do indeed resemble 
mountains. . . . 

A couple of extracts about his fellow-passengers must 
suffice. 

I could not help observing what a jolly set of fellows the French 
passengers are. They are always lively in all sorts of weather. If 
they play cards, they talk and laugh continually, while a party of 
English close by, doing the same thing, sit in mopish silence. 
When these fellows walk the deck, they frisk all about, joking each 
other as they pass and repass. . . . 

Just in the rear of the smoke-pipe, on the saloon deck, is the 
place for smokers, story-tellers, and loafers in general. The Yan- 
kees generally assemble there to talk of monetary affairs, which 
gives them a heart content for a while. The others consist of every 
nation under the sun, I believe, judging from their appearance and 
accent. . . . 

They stopped at Halifax, Nova Scotia, on their voyage, 
and Mr. Tuttle gives a graphic description of his adven- 
tures there. On board, he witnessed some experiments in 
table-tipping. The vessel passed a number of steamers and 
sailing-vessels, the incidents in connection with which are 
duly recorded. He had expected to find much time for 



22 Memoir of the Author. 

reading, but other things engrossed so much of his atten- 
tion that he read but little. He spent a good part of one 
day in reading a recently-published book by a Northern 
man in defence of slavery. This he pronounced " a detest- 
able book." " The Southerners," he adds, " cannot but be 
disgusted with it. It is the weakest apology for slavery I 
ever read." 

Mr. Tuttle spent only a week in England. All the time 
not required on the chronometers, which were placed at 
the Liverpool Observatory, was devoted to visiting historic 
places with which his reading had made him familiar. His 
diary shows that he saw and understood, in the few days 
he was able to devote to sight-seeing, more than many a 
traveller has done in a month. This was owing to the fact 
that what he had gathered from books was so carefully 
treasured in his mind that he had it always at his command. 
London and Stratford-on-Avon were the only places at 
which he allowed himself to spend much time. 

He made an early visit to Westminster Abbey, and 
looked with reverence on the graves and monuments of 
the illustrious dead of England. He was particularly at- 
tracted to Poets' Corner. He also heard in the chapel an 
impressive service. He visited the Tower of London, and 
saw the room in which Sir Walter Ralegh was confined ; 
the Bloody Tower, where the young princes were mur- 
dered; the ancient armor and weapons of war, the crown 
jewels, and the other curiosities of the place. Somerset 
House, which then contained the rooms of the Royal So- 
ciety and of the Royal Astronomical Society, was visited, 
and he saw there some of Newton's hair, and the reflecting 



Memoir of the Author. 23 

telescope constructed by that illustrious man. In St. Paul's 
he viewed the monuments, and went up to the Whispering 
Gallery, and also to the Golden Gallery, from which he 
looked out " over the length and breadth of London " on 
the people in the various streets who " appeared like mice,'' 
and it made his "brain turn to look at them." He records 
also his visit to the British Museum, with its Gallery of 
Sculpture from Greece, Egypt, and Nineveh, — " the disin- 
terred remains of three and four thousand years ; " the Gal- 
lery of Animals ; and the innumerable things besides these, 
all curious and instructive. His visits to the National 
Gallery, to St. James Park, and the Suspension Bridge, 
are all noted in his diary. The Parliament House and 
Westminster Hall were closed, and he could only see the 
exterior. 

The localities which had been hallowed by the presence 
of those master minds, Shakspeare and Milton, seem to have 
had peculiar attractions for him. Bread Street, where the 
latter was born, was visited, as was also St. Giles's Church, 
Cripplegate, where he and his father are buried. I quote 
from Mr. Tuttle's diary this entry: — ■ 

When Paradise Lost and Comus enraptured me in America, I 
would gladly have gone any distance to pay my devoirs to so great 
a mind. Here I was in the very church in which perhaps when he 
was in the flesh he may have bowed to Him whose 

" Light discerns abstrusest thoughts." 

John Fox the martyrologist is buried here, and some other persons of 
more or less note ; but all are obscure beside the " sun-brightness " 
of Milton ; Milton ever glorious, Milton whose Paradise Lost, " itself 



24 Memoir of the Author. 

instinct with spirit," has been the source of so many happy hours to 
me, — hours whose values are inexpressible 

"By numbers that have name." 

All hail, Great Milton ! The sweetness of thy voice never will cease 
to delight my ears. No ! 

"With thee conversing I forget all time, 
All seasons and their change : all please alike." 

While at London, Mr. Tuttle went to the Princess' 
Theatre, Oxford Street, where he saw Charles Kean and 
his wife, Mrs. Ellen Tree Kean, in Shakspeare's tragedy 
of Henry VII I. Mr. Kean took the part of Cardinal 
Wolsey, and Mrs. Kean that of Queen Katharine. He 
liked them both, but especially Mrs. Kean, who "acted 
nobly." The trial scene and the dream he pronounced 
" exquisite." 

Mr. Tuttle also witnessed a parade of the Horse Guards, 
which he thought " grand," but not worth the delay it had 
caused him. 

He left London Wednesday afternoon for Stratford-on- 
Avon, and arrived at midnight at the Shakspeare Hotel in 
that town. The next day was a perfect autumn day, and 
Mr. Tuttle was delighted with the beautiful scenery and 
pure atmosphere. He spent it in visiting the places con- 
nected with the memory of the bard of Avon. Early in the 
morning he went to the fields to hear the wonderful song 
of the skylarks, but was disappointed, being told that it was 
the season for them to moult, when it is rare to hear them 
sing. The scenery interested him much. He then visited 
the house where Shakspeare was born, and saw the various 



Memoir of the Author. 25 

apartments in it. His feelings when the guide on entering 
a room said, " This is the room in which Shakspeare was 
born," are thus described in his diary : — 

I stood for a moment in silence, reflecting upon the great event 
which had transpired in this room, — an event which gave to the 
world a poet unrivalled in every grace of language, and the master 
of every passion that moves the human breast. 

After having thoroughly examined the house in which 
Shakspeare was born, he went to the church in which he 
was buried. After entering the Church of the Holy Trinity, 
he found himself among the sculptured memorials of celeb- 
rities of more or less note; but these did not detain him 
long. The guide advanced towards the railing before the 
altar, and said, " This is the great object which visitors come 
to see." At the same time he pointed with his hand to the 
north wall. " I raised my eyes," he writes, " and beheld the 
renowned monument of Shakspeare. The celebrated bust 
which preserves for us the lineaments of the great bard 
looked down upon me from its niche in awful majesty." 
The guide then rolled up a straw carpet which covered the 
floor directly in front of Shakspeare 's monument, and Mr. 
Tuttle's eye rested on the famous inscription beginning, 
" Good friend, for Jesus' sake forbear," which covers his dust. 
» Awful lines," Mr. Tuttle calls them, " such as never before 
guarded the resting-place of mortal. It is useless," he adds, 
" to attempt to describe my feelings while I gazed upon the 
inscription. No one has dared to violate the dreadful in- 
junction by opening his grave." The brass tablet bear- 
ing the epitaph of Shakspeare's wife, and the memorials 

4 



26 Memoir of the Author. 

of other members of Shakspeare's family, and of other per- 
sons connected with his history, were reverently examined, 
as the diary shows. 

Mr. Tuttle passed the site of New Place, where Shak- 
speare lived after his return from London, and where also 
he died. The building, which was ruthlessly demolished 
more than a hundred years ago, is called in early convey- 
ances the " Great House," and Mr. Tuttle remarks : " It can- 
not but give the highest satisfaction to the admirers of 
' the myriad-minded poet,' that his last days were passed in 
the best house that his native town afforded." The site is 
now a garden enclosed by high walls. He visited the Town 
Hall, " every part of which showed its antiquity," and saw, 
among other things, the pictures of Shakspeare, Garrick, and 
others. He then went to a house in Bridge Street, where 
various relics of Shakspeare were collected, — a family that 
formerly occupied the house in Henley Street, where Shak- 
speare was born, having removed them to this place. An 
" arm-chair without arms," in which it is claimed the bard 
used to sit ; a table much cut away, said to have been his ; 
a veritable piece of the mulberry-tree said to have been 
planted by Shakspeare himself; and other relics of more 
or less authenticity, are noted in the diary. Here he found 
the registers of visitors to Shakspeare's birthplace in Henley 
Street, from 1812 to 1820, and noted many American names. 
Mr. Tuttle also made a pilgrimage to Shottery, to see the 
building claimed to be " Anne Hathaway 's cottage." 

He left the town that afternoon to return to Liverpool, 
taking: the sta2:e-coach for Leaminsfton from Stratford at 
the Red Horse tavern. While waiting here for the coach 



Memoir of the Author. 27 

he entered into conversation with an Englishman who had 
dined with him at the Shakspeare Hotel. Perceiving by the 
address on Mr. Tuttle's trunks that he was an American, he 
asked him if he had been to the Crystal Palace at Syden- 
ham. On his replying in the negative, he exclaimed, "Why! 
I should rather have gone there than come here to Strat- 
ford to see ' Shakspeare's house.' " Mr. Tuttle said nothing ; 
but when the Englishman asked him why so many Ameri- 
cans came here to " see Shakspeare," he briefly told him of 
the high estimation in which Shakspeare's writings were 
held by every intelligent American. 

After his return to America Mr. Tuttle published in the 
Dover Gazette a series of articles on the historic places he 
had visited. One article is entitled, A Few Hours in West- 
minster Abbey ; the title of another is, A Visit to the Tower 
of London ; while four articles are devoted to A Glimpse 
at Stratford-upon-Avon. They show a familiar knowledge 
of history, acute observations, and just reflections. 

The sea-voyage and a long period of comparative rest 
improved his eyes, so that after his return from England 
he was able, in November, 1855, to enter the law oflice of 
the Hon. Harvey Jewell, of Boston, and complete his law 
studies. In 1856, at the March term of the Massachusetts 
Superior Court, held at Boston, he was admitted a member 
of the Suffolk bar, and authorized to practise in the courts 
of this State. He began practice that year at 20 Court 
Street, Boston, but removed to Newburyport in the spring 
of 1857, where he continued to practise his profession. 
Two years later he returned to Boston, where he practised 
till his death. His first office was at 46 Washington Street. 



28 Memoir of the Author. 

Here he remained till Jan. i, i860, when he formed a law 
partnership with the Hon. Richard S. Spofford, Jr., and 
removed to No. 81 in that street. They had also an office 
at 31 State Street, Newburyport. In November, i860, they 
removed their Boston office from Washington Street, and 
took one at 27 Tremont Row, where they were joined by the 
Hon. Caleb Gushing. In July, 1864, Mr. Tuttle removed to 
47 Court Street, where he remained nearly five years. In 
1869 he took an office at 32 Pemberton Square, from which 
place he removed, about 1870, to 25 Bromfield Street. In 
the spring of 1872 he returned to 27 Tremont Row, which 
was his law office till his death. 

On the 15th of October, 1858, he was admitted to prac- 
tise in the United States Circuit Court, and on motion of 
Mr. Cushing, March i, 1861, to practise in the Supreme 
Court of the United States. In October, i860, he was 
appointed a United States Commissioner, in place of Mr. 
Sidney Webster, who had resigned the office. On the i8th 
of November, 1874, the United States Court of Alabama 
Claims appointed him a commissioner to take testimony to 
be used before that court. 

In 1865 he was elected a member of the New England 
Historic Genealogical Society, and from that time took an 
active part in its proceedings. He was a member of the 
board of directors from January, 1867, till his death, and 
was for a time its secretary. He was also a member of the 
publishing committee, served on various special committees, 
and read papers at meetings of the Society. In 1873 he 
was chosen a member of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society. Here he was a member of the Council, acted on 



Memoir of the Author. 29 

special committees, read papers at its meetings, and other- 
wise contributed to the work of the Society. He was also 
an honorary member of . the New Hampshire Historical 
Society, and a corresponding member of the State His- 
torical Societies of Maine and Wisconsin, besides being a 
member of various other associations.^ On the 8th of Sep- 
tember, 1859, he was elected a member of the Ancient and 
Honorable Artillery Company. In 1872 he became a mem- 
ber of the Prince Society, in which he successively held the 
ofifices of treasurer and corresponding secretary ; was active 
in procuring its act of incorporation in 1874, and his name 
appears in the act. In 1854, while connected with the Ob- 
servatory, he received from Harvard College the degree of 
Master of Arts. He is said to have been " the youngest 
person that had ever received an honorary degree from that 
College." In 1880, Dartmouth College conferred upon him 
the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 

He early became interested in the history of his ancestors. 
In the Dover Enquirer, Nov. 25, 1854, appeared an article 

1 The following is a list of the his- 1874, corresponding; 8. Maine Genea- 
torical societies of which he is known logical and Biographical Society, Au- 
to have been a member: i. Essex In- gusta, Feb. 7, 1876, corresponding; 9. 
stitute, Salem, Mass., elected Dec. 9, Newport Historical Society, Newport, 
1863, corresponding member; 2. New R. I., Oct. 23, 1877, corresponding ; 10. 
England Historic Genealogical Society, Antiquarian and Historical Society of 
Boston, Mass., April 5, 1865, resident Old Newbury, Newburyport, Mass., 
member; 3. State Historical Society of Feb. 20, 1878, corresponding ; 11. New 
Wisconsin, Madison, March 20, 1868, Hampshire Historical Society, Concord, 
corresponding member; 4. Pemaquid July 16, 18S0, honorary. He may have 
Historical Monument Association, Bris- belonged to other historical societies, 
tol, Maine, April 3, 1872, honorary ; 5. He was also elected a member of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society, Bos- two following associations: i. Boston 
ton, Feb. 17, 1873, resident; 6. New Society of Natural History, Boston. Jan. 
Hampshire Historical Society, Concord, 20, 1859, member; 2. Appalachian 
Jan. 17, 1874, corresponding ; 7. Maine Mountain Club, Boston, June 15,1876, 
Historical Society, Portland, July 22, active member. 



30 Memoir of the Atithor. 

by the Rev. Dr. Quint, on John Tuttle, his emigrant an- 
cestor, one of the founders of Dover, N. H.^ Mr. Tuttle was 
able, with the aid of public and private records, and the 
memory of his relatives, to connect himself with this John 
Tuttle, and began collecting everything he could find relat- 
ing to the history of the family. On the 2d of October, 
1865, he issued a circular, " To the Living Descendants of 
John Tuttle," stating that he had collected details relative 
to upwards of five hundred descendants, extending to the 
ninth generation. He solicited further genealogical records 
to complete the work, and also subscriptions to a book he 
intended to prepare, the cost of which would be not far 
from a dollar and a half. He adds: — 

Through the medium of wills and deeds I have ascertained the 
site and homestead of our emigrant ancestor on Dover Neck. It is 
a charming spot, forming a part of a wonderfully beautiful and pic- 
turesque landscape. I suggest that a granite monument, with ap- 
propriate inscriptions, be erected there to mark permanently a site 
forever memorable in the annals of our family, and to commemorate 
the name and memory of one in whom we all have an equally affec- 
tionate interest. A small contribution from every descendant would 
procure a column commensurate in size to the end proposed. The 
completion of such a monument might be made the occasion of a 
family reunion at that place, so much desired by many members 
of the family. 

Mr. Tuttle published an article on The Tuttle Family 
of New Hampshire, in the New England Historical and 
Genealogical Register, for April, 1867; but the intended 

1 This was No. 146 of Historical menced in that paper by the Rev. Alonzo 
Memoranda, a series of articles com- H, Quint, D.D., July 31, 1850. 



Memoir of the Author. 31 

volume was never completed. In his genealogical re- 
searches he found that he was a descendant of Ambrose 
Gibbins, the trusted agent, at the settlement on the Pascata- 
qua, of Capt. John Mason, the founder of New Hampshire. 
This fact awakened in him a deep interest in Mason him- 
self, of whom the accounts were very meagre, and he began 
to collect matter relating to him. In April, 187 1, he an- 
nounced, in the New England Historical and Genealogical 
Register, his intention of writing a memoir of Captain 
Mason, and on Wednesday evening, the 14th day of the 
following June, he read before the New Hampshire His- 
torical Society at Concord a paper on Mason, embracing 
much new matter which he had collected from English 
and American sources. The paper was repeated before the 
New England Historic Genealogical Society, April 3, 1872, 
additional matter obtained by subsequent researches being 
introduced. 

Mr. Tuttle also prepared a paper on Capt. Francis Cham- 
pernowne, which was read for him by Gen. John Marshall 
Brown, before the Maine Historical Society at Bath, Feb. 
19, 1873. The next year he began writing a series of 
articles on Champernowne, three of which appeared in the 
Historical and Genealogical Register for April, July, and 
October, 1874. Another paper on which he bestowed 
much laborious research is entitled The Conquest of 
Acadia by the Dutch. It was read before the Maine His- 
torical Society at Portland, March 22, 1877, and repeated 
before the Newport Historical Society, Oct. 24, 1877, ^^^ 
New England Historic Genealogical Society, June 4, 1879, 
and before the New York Historical Society, Nov. 4, 1879. 



32 Memoir of the Author. 

Mr. Tuttle continued to collect materials for his Life of 
Capt. John Mason, with the intention of issuing a volume 
on the Founders of New Hampshire. In 1873, while he 
had the matter under consideration, he was invited by the 
Prince Society, of which he was an ofificer, to prepare for 
the Publications of that Society a volume on Mason, in 
which should be embodied a reprint of Mason's tract on 
Newfoundland, first published in 1620, his only known 
publication ; the several American charters in which he 
was a grantee; and other papers illustrating the history 
of Mason and his colonization enterprises. This invita- 
tion Mr. Tuttle accepted, and continued his researches as 
he had opportunity. He delayed, however, to prepare the 
work for the press, in the hope of obtaining more materials. 
His principal hope was that the English Commission on 
Historical Manuscripts, which had brought to light many 
important documents found in private hands, would dis- 
cover valuable manuscripts illustrating the life and services 
of Capt. John Mason, and that possibly the papers of 
Mason himself, as well as those of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
would be found. These would throw much light not only 
on the events of Mason's life, but upon the early history 
of New England.-^ After Mr. Tuttle's death his unfinished 
work on Mason was placed in my hands to be prepared for 
the press. This task I performed to the best of my ability, 
and in the autumn of 1887 the work was given to the public 
by the Prince Society, as one of its Publications. It is evi- 

^ The many difficulties encountered Hampshire Historical Society, at its 
by Mr. Tuttle in these researches are annual meeting in 1880, printed in the 
narrated in his remarks before the New Boston Evening Traveller, Oct. 9, 1880. 



Memoir of the Aiithor. 35 

dent, from the materials which he left, that he Intended to 
make it a more elaborate work than it was deemed advisable 
to attempt. No one regrets more than his editor that Mr. 
Tuttle did not live to complete the book and carry it through 
the press. 

Some of the more important articles by him in the 
Historical and Genealoo-ical Resfister are the followins:: 
The Tuttle Family in New Hampshire, 1867; The Isles 
of Shoals, 1869; Col. Nathaniel Meserve, a Memoir, 1869; 
Christopher Kilby, a Memoir, 1872; John Alfred Poor, a 
Memoir, 1872; Sketches of Capt. Francis Champernowne, 
1874. Among the articles in the Proceedings of the 
Massachusetts Historical Society may be named Edward 
Randolph, 1874; Belknap's House at Dover, N. H., 1875; 
William Blaxton, 1875 ; Historic Mansions in Devonshire, 
1876; The Spelling of Sir Walter Ralegh's Surname, 1877 ; 
Hon. Benjamin F. Thomas, 1878; The Indian Name, Pas- 
cataqua, 1878; Hon. Caleb Cushing, 1879; Hon. George 
S. Hillard, 1879; Report of the Committee on a Circular 
Letter from the Superintendent of the United States Coast 
Survey, on Restoring and Preserving the Ancient Names 
of Places, 1879; Indian Massacre at Fox Point, 1879; The 
Establishment of a Court of Vice Admiralty over America, 
1879. One of the articles printed in the New England 
Historical and Genealogical Register, and three that ap- 
peared in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical 
Society, were reprinted as separate works. Among Mr. 
Tuttle's manuscripts are lists of his contributions to the 
Historical and Genealogical Register; the Proceedings of 
the Massachusetts Historical Society; Notes and Queries, 

5 



34 Memoir of the Author, 

published in London ; the Historical Magazine ; the Amer- 
ican Historical Record; the Magazine of American His- 
tory ; and the Maine Genealogist and Biographer. I intend 
to deposit with the New England Historic Genealogical 
Society, and the Massachusetts Historical Society, manu- 
script copies of these lists. 

He frequently lectured before lyceums. These lectures 
were delivered at Boston, Newburyport, and other places. 
In the spring of 1861 he delivered in Boston a course of 
public lectures on the Astronomy of Comets. On the 19th 
of April, 1880, the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, 
he delivered an address at the Hawthorne Rooms, Boston, 
on Hugh Percy, Lieutenant General in the British Army. 
\\\ the following December he delivered the Bi-Centennial 
Address before the New Hampshire Historical Society, 
commemorating the establishment, in 1680, of the first 
civil government over that province. 

He contributed articles to Dr. Gould's Astronomical 
Journal, to Dr. Brunnow's Astronomical Notices, and to 
various antiquarian and historical magazines. He was a 
frequent contributor to the newspapers of elaborate arti- 
cles on astronomical and historical subjects. He wrote 
for Johnson's Cyclopaedia valuable historical articles. He 
contributed also many articles illustrating the history and 
genealogy of New Hampshire, and particularly of Dover, 
to the series which the Rev. Dr. Alonzo H. Quint had 
begun in the Dover Enquirer, under the head of Historical 
Memoranda.^ 

^ The articles by Mr. Tuttle in the 265 to 267, 292. They appeared in the 
Historical Memoranda, seventeen in Dover Enquirer between July 19, 1866, 
number, are Nos. 246, 248 to 258, 262, and Jan. 18, 1877. 



Memoir of the Author. 35 

A year before Mr. Tuttle's death he prepared a Hst of 
the works upon which he was engaged, which was printed 
in the New England Historical and Genealogical Register 
for July, 1880. Since his death one of these works has 
been prepared for the press, and printed; namely, Capt. 
John Mason, published by the Prince Society, as before 
stated. His Life of Champernowne, his account of the Con- 
quest of Acadie by the Dutch, and other papers, have been 
edited by Mr. Tuttle's friend, Albert H. Hoyt, A.M., and will 
be printed with historical documents in the present volume. 

The following is a list of Mr. Tuttle's publications in 
separate form : — 

I. Christopher Kilby. A Memoir. Boston, 1872. 8vo, pp. 15. 
Reprinted from the New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register, January, 1872. 
II. Caleb Cushing. 8vo, pp. 6. Reprinted from the Proceed- 
ings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, January, 

III. Indian Massacre at Fox Point in Newmgton. 8vo, pp. o. 
Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Historical Society, 

June, 1879. 
IV, New Hampshire without a Provincial Government. 1689- 
1690. An Historical Sketch. Cambridge, 1880. 8vo, pp. 
13. Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Historical 
Society, October, 1879. 
V. Capt. John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire : includ- 
ing his Tract on Newfoundland, 1620; the American Char- 
ters in which he was a grantee; with Letters and other 
Historical Documents, and a Memoir. By Charles Wesley 
Tuttle, Ph.D. Edited, with Historical Illustrations, by 



36 Memoir of the Author. 

John Ward Dean, A.M. Boston : Prince Society. 1887. 
Fcp. 4to, pp. xiv-f- 492. 
VI. Historical Papers. Edited by Albert H. Hoyt, A.M. [The 
present volume.] 

Mr. Tuttle's contributions to historical literature are of 
great value. Their trustworthiness is a marked character- 
istic. He was always ready to follow truth, though it led 
him to give up preconceived opinions. His researches were 
thorough and unremitting. His temperament prevented 
him from leaving a subject before he had exhausted it as 
far as there was a possibility of doing this ; before he had 
gathered all the facts concerning it within his reach ; in 
fact, before he had seen it on all its sides. Another char- 
acteristic was a breadth of thought which enabled him to 
comprehend all the bearings of the subject on which he 
was engaged. He was critical in the use of language, and 
bestowed much labor on the construction of his sentences, 
and in correcting and polishing them. The result was that 
he expressed his ideas with clearness and perspicuity, and 
yet with beauty and grace. 

The Rev. Andrew P. Peabody, D.D., LL.D., of Cam- 
bridge, has furnished me with the following reminiscences 
of Mr. Tuttle: — 

I first knew Mr. TutUe as a young lawyer in Newburyport, 
where he was held in very high regard by the best people. After 
I became a resident of Cambridge I saw him often, and he soonbe- 
came, and continued through the residue of his life, a not infrequent 
visitor at my house. I became greatly interested in him as a man 
of superior scientific attainments, literary taste, and general culture, 
and as thoroughly conscientious, upright, high-minded, and true- 



Memoir of the A tit ho r. 37 

hearted. At an early stage of my intimacy with him he delivered 
a course of lectures on astronomy, in Boston, to a small but intel- 
ligent audience. I commenced attending the course for his sake ; 
I continued attendance for my own. The lectures showed a strong 
grasp and clear comprehension of the science, and a rare capacity 
of statement and exposition. With the advantages of voice and 
manner, which he lacked, he might have commanded and delighted 
large audiences. I had from time to time conferences with him on 
historical subjects, especially on matters appertaining to the early 
history of New Hampshire, in which we had a common interest. 
His honesty would not suffer him to perform any work in that 
department otherwise than faithfully to the utmost of his ability ; 
and he had a love for such work that enabled him to perform it 
with no reference to any possible revenue of reputation or of gain, 
but solely as a labor of love. I of course knew nothing in detail 
of his professional standing, but I have been told, by those who 
knew, that he was a well-read lawyer, and capable, prompt, and 
trustworthy in the discharge of business. In my estimate of his 
character, he seems to me to have possessed a large endowment 
in talents of pure gold, while his chief deficiency was in brass, 
which, if not the most precious of metals, is often needed to keep 
gold in currency. 

The Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury, of Boston, well 
known as an able lawyer, who shared Mr. Tuttle's his- 
torical tastes, thus wrote concerning him : — 

Mr. Justice Clifford, who had in his youth practised law at 
Newfield, Maine, where Charles had lived, feeling a sympathy for 
his already distinguished and peculiar career, very kindly gave 
him the appointment of a Commissioner of the Circuit Court of 
the United States. The duties of this position were those of a 
committing magistrate under the United States penal laws, and 
the taking of depositions, etc., in civil matters, — a kind of Master 



2,S Memoir of the Author. 

in Chancery work. Mr. Tuttle very readily acquired a familiarity 
with these duties, and obtained good success in attending to them. 
Particularly useful to him was the employment of taking down and 
presiding over the long examinations of the numerous witnesses and 
experts in some of the contested patent cases. I have myself 
sought his service in such cases, and indeed perhaps I was one 
of the first to do so. This was many years ago, I know that 
afterwards he had some patent cases himself, which he attended 
to with model assiduity. 

Mr. Tuttle had considerable and varied business in the State 
Courts, and also in the Federal Courts, both here and at Wash- 
ington. This he performed with scrupulous care, and with a skill 
that indicated a knowledge of the principles and practice of the 
profession. As his historical studies grew upon him, he formed a 
resolution to banish them entirely from the usual business hours 
of the day ; and he kept this resolution with an admirable self- 
control. The consequence was not so well for him. Before and 
after office hours a second day's work would go on, earnestly and 
without self-restraint, until tired nature drove him to his bed ex- 
hausted, to rise the next day and renew the routine. The bow 
was ever strung, and the tough hickory failed at last. 

Though Mr. Tuttle could not be called an orator, he argued 
a point very well. Occasionally, many years ago, he indulged in 
political oratory on the stump with decided success. This was 
due more to his straightforward honesty and blunt sincerity than 
to the conventional rules which Quintilian and David Paul Brown 
have laid down for the forensic art. Though always attractive and 
amiable, he would not sacrifice his opinions to please others. He 
enjoyed the respect of the Courts where he practised, and the 
esteem of his comrades at the bar. He was a good talker ; and 
whenever he concentrated his attention on a subject, he showed 
natural powers of mind that made him the peer of any other laborer 
in the particular field. 

He had a strong affection for New England. I recall that when 



Memoir of the AutJior. 39 

the executors of General dishing wished to employ him to go to 
Minnesota, and look after the titles, etc., of the large landed 
property of the estate there, he declined, remarking, with decided 
emphasis, that he did not wish to cross the Hudson River ever 
again in his life ! 

The Hon. Richard S. Spofford, of Newburyport, who 
for some years was a law-partner of Mr. Tuttle, furnishes 
the following reminiscences : — 

My acquaintance with Charles Wesley Tuttle began in 1858, 
when, being several years my senior, he was practising law at 
Newburyport. Absent from the city during his earlier residence 
there, I had nevertheless heard much of Mr. Tuttle's character and 
acquirements before I had seen him, and also of the warm friend- 
ship between himself and my own family, growing out of his inti- 
macy with my honored father, and arising from studies congenial 
to both, especially that of astronomy. I was thus prepared, on my 
first introduction to Mr. Tuttle, to greet him with cordiality, and 
begin the experience of that heart-warm regard which subsisted 
between us until his death. Having continued for some months 
subsequently to the period of which I have spoken, in the success- 
ful practice of the law at Newburyport, Mr. Tuttle afterward 
changed his residence to Boston, leaving behind him a host of 
admiring friends. Here soon after he formed a partnership with 
myself. We began business in what is now the Rogers Building, 
where we remained about a year, removing then to 27 Tremont Row. 
During our occupancy of the latter offices, in common with Hon. 
Caleb Cushing and Mr. Nicholas St. John Green, then in the pride 
of his success as a lecturer in the Law Schools of Boston and of 
Cambridge, our neighbors on the same floor were a group of remark- 
able men with whom there was daily a delightful intercourse ; 
among them, Theodore H. Sweetser, that Dantonesque legal advo- 
cate and leader of the bar ; Governor Andrew, fresh from his 



40 Memoir of the Author. 

wonderful civic career; and William S. Gardner, that upright judge 
and urbane gentleman, whose recent death numbers all except my- 
self with the great majority. With but brief interruption we con- 
tinued in these offices, although not in the relation of partners, to 
the hour of Mr. Tuttle's death. 

In the earlier years we were not only in the constant association 
of office life, but we occupied common quarters for our place of 
residence ; and I can therefore speak, as one having full knowledge, 
of his private character, his public relations, and his abilities and 
attainments ; there was that about him, at the time, which made 
him an object of peculiar interest to all who knew him. Having 
already achieved high eminence as an astronomer, he had been 
obliged through the failure of his eyes to abandon his lofty pursuit, 
and to look to the profession of law as the means of obtaining a 
livelihood, and of gratifying his ambition. He was thus, as it were, 
an involuntary exile from the region of his pride and aspiration ; 
and it was not to be expected that in his new surroundings he 
could wholly divest himself of his early predilection for scientific 
studies, in which he always continued to feel a profound and active 
interest, — a predilection, indeed, constantly kept alive, and in a 
measure gratified, by the success attending the career of his emi- 
nent brother, Horace Parnell Tuttle. One of my most pleasur- 
able remembrances is that of the meetings of the two brothers, 
and their mutual enthusiasms, when some new astronomical dis- 
covery brought them together. Almost totally uninformed on the 
subject which at such times they discussed, and even of the terms 
employed, I had my share of the enthusiasm in my appreciation 
of theirs, to say nothing of the offhand names with which we would 
christen, to suit our fancies, some newly-discovered asteroid, or a 
comet that had been waiting for I know not how many thousands 
of years to be discovered by one of the Tuttles. But while thus 
cherishing his astronomical tastes, he was never neglectful of his 
professional obligations. 

Much of our business was in connection with important cases, 



Memoir of the Author. 41 

in which Mr. Gushing — then but recently having closed his term 
of office as Attorney-General of the United States — was engaged, 
and than whom no one more highly appreciated Mr. Tuttle, whether 
in his professional or other relations. During our partnership we 
were employed in many suits in which Mr. Gushing was principal 
counsel, of which the most notable were the Federal Street Ghurch 
case; certain amicable suits to obtain a judicial construction of the 
will of John Quincy Adams ; the Portland Gity case, involving the 
title to Portland Gity, Oregon; the Myra Glarke Gaines case; and 
others of no inconsiderable magnitude. Always a patient and con- 
scientious worker, Mr. Tuttle's zeal in his profession was not less 
earnest than that exhibited while engaged in his astronomical 
labors. He neglected no interest intrusted to his oversight, and 
shrunk from no labor which any professional exigency demanded. 

I need not speak further of Mr. Tuttle in his professional rela- 
tions. But how can I sufficiently portray his qualities of a social 
and friendly character .-• The sweet simplicity of his nature, the in- 
tegrity of his life and convictions, his earnestness and enthusiasm, 
his apprehensive mind and sound judgment, the originality of his 
intellectual perception, illustrated by an enlarged erudition, and 
interpreted with a splendid diction modelled on that of his favorite 
authors, Milton and Burke, — all of these high qualities combined 
to make him, to the recognition of those who came within the 
range of his companionship, and especially of his friendship, " the 
continent of what part a gentleman would see." 

It was not until the later years of his life that his historical 
studies began to exert that emphatic influence which induced him 
to bestow so much time on them, and to dedicate himself with such 
self-forgetting earnestness to the special objects of this character 
which had enlisted his thought. But if ever such pursuits were to 
their devotee an exceeding great reward, these were such to Mr. 
Tuttle ; and it is a melancholy reflection that, aside from this re- 
ward, he had little other for labors as valuable, as original, and as 
instructive as any which have claimed the attention of the histo- 

6 



42 Memoir of the Author. 

rian and genealogist. He was as a youth among the elders of the 
leading historical societies of Massachusetts and of other States; 
but there was no immaturity in his intuitions, endeavors, or accom- 
plishment. His unexpected death in the midst of his labors was 
the more deplorable as it left in an incomplete condition work to 
which he had given years of effort, and which made his loss yet more 
deeply felt than did his remarkable personal qualities. 

For myself, I can only add that, thus endeared by so many ties 
of personal intercourse and relationship, and so many years of un- 
marred friendship, his loss was an irreparable one, and my sense 
of it as keen as that of the Latin poet when he declared that the 
departure of his friend took away "Animae dimidium meae," — the 
half of my soul ! 

Mrs. Harriet Prescott Spofford, the well-known author, 
wife of the writer of the preceding recollections, thus wrote 
to Mrs. Tuttle concerning her husband, — the subject of 
this memoir: — 

When I first saw Charles, the impression that he made upon 
me had a strange romance about it. He had come to the place 
where I lived, a comparative stranger, but we all knew that he 
had been compelled to abandon the aim of his life and the dream 
of his heart, owing to threatened blindness, and to open a new 
path for himself ; and that fact gave him a sort of heroic cast in 
our thoughts. I never divested him of a certain poetry that hung 
about him then ; he seemed to belong to the region of great un- 
known equations, to be a part of the world of stars, out of which 
he had come into our more common and prosaic life. He had 
lived among those stars ever since he was a child, fashioning with 
his own hand, when a boy, the tubes for a telescope, to buy the 
lenses of which he had saved all his pennies ; but when he took 
it out, finished for its trial, his excitement was so great that he 
could not look through it, and another, who had been nearly as 



Memoir of the Atithor. 43 

much interested in it as he himself was, had to take the first view 
of the sateUites of Jupiter and the phases of Venus. 

He was just as eagerly intent on everything he undertook all 
his life long. On the Observatory roofs he used the astronomical 
instruments till his eyes were nearly destroyed by the star and 
lunar rays ; and later in life he made his historical studies and 
research with the same rapt ardor, pursuing a theory or hunting 
down a fact to the absolute forgetfulness, for the time being, of 
almost everything else in life, with small idea of the passage of 
time or the value of money. Perhaps his leading characteristic 
was this eminent single-mindedness ; and the power of concen- 
trating thought belonging to it gave him a singular force. The 
mathematical habit of his mind produced in him a rare discern- 
ment and discrimination almost like another sense, — the sense of 
truth; and when he stated a thing positively, you would be sure 
that it was as fixed and demonstrable as one of the immutable 
facts of the universe. With this, moreover, there was the trans- 
parency and the guilelessness of a child, although far from him 
were all childish things ; for the nature of his own pursuits made 
everything less noble appear frivolous to him, and it seemed in- 
deed as if he never saw such things, but that his extended vision 
looked over them and beyond them. His mind was a treasure- 
house of great ideas and realities ; and, earnest, passionate, and 
natural to the last degree, he never could fit the words to them 
fast enough, as they poured forth in any moment of enthusiasm. 
His afifections partook of this general earnestness of his nature; 
where he had once bestowed them, the fibres of his being went 
with them ; and unlike most of the promoters of science, he was 
singularly tender-hearted. He loved a child, a singing bird, a 
flower, as he loved a star ; but it was the star that led him away 
into regions where he saw the beckoning hand of God ; for he 
had his times and seasons of that devoutness which the poet 
Young thought must seize every student of the nightly heavens 
who is not mad. 



44 Memoir of the Author. 

I never shall forget a night that I spent with him, in the 
company of my husband, — who was long in close professional 
and family relationship with him, a most tender attachment being 
cherished between them, — in the Cambridge Observatory, looking 
through the immense telescope there. It would have been no 
different had we gone into the realm of unreal things, and among 
the arcana of magic, while that great engine tipped at the touch 
of the finger, while the swift sliding stars shot like meteors over 
the field before the clockwork was attached, while the iron dome 
turned and crackled as if the heavens rolled together like a scroll, 
while we had the freedom of the vast outer universe where 
double stars resolved their separate splendor, and nebulae shed 
their shining vapors and hung revealed a moment. In his knowl- 
edge, his enthusiasm, his gentleness, his genius, I thought of 
him that night as a greater wonder himself than the wonders 
he showed us ; he seemed like the lord of the domain, into 
which one night years afterward he was so swiftly and fortunately 
translated ; and I think of him now only with those of whom the old 
Rosicrucian legend speaks, " Astra castra, Numen lumen." 

Mr. Frank W. Hackett, of Portsmouth, N. H., writes me 
as follows: — 

You have asked me to give you my impressions of the charac- 
ter of our late friend, Charles W. Tuttle. I take pleasure in so 
doing. 

In my boyhood at Portsmouth I used to see Mr. Tuttle occa- 
sionally, and I looked up to him with a boy's admiration. My 
recollection is (though I may be wrong) that he was then connected 
with the Observatory at Cambridge. I distinctly remember that 
from the first he used to speak warmly, I may say enthusiastically, 
of Portsmouth and its neighborhood, so that somehow I got from 
him an idea that it was highly creditable in me to have been born 
there. Of course, I later saw plainly enough that it was the rich 



Memoir of the Author. 45 

historic material, and the associations of the early period, that most 
attracted him. 

When I had begun the practice of the law at Boston, a little 
more than twenty years ago, I had frequent opportunity of meet- 
ing Mr. Tuttle. I shall not forget how cordial and encouraging 
were his greetings, and how kind were his inquiries for my pro- 
fessional success. Leaving Boston in 1871, it was my fortune to 
be there three or four times every year, and I often availed myself 
of the occasion to call at his office for a friendly chat. He was, as 
you well know, genial and simple in manner, and very fond of his 
friends. The conversation was more likely to turn upon Cham- 
pernowne and Capt. John Mason than what was going on in the 
courts. He loved to talk about Strawberry Bank, speaking with 
animation and respect of our antiquary, Mr, John Elwyn, of John 
Scribner Jenness, and others. You know that it was owing to the 
advice and encouragement of Mr. Elwyn that he undertook to in- 
vestigate the history of Francis Champernowne. He once said of 
Elwyn : " I have walked with him again and again over all the 
venerable acres of old Strawberry Bank, and far beyond, and heard 
him discourse, as no one else could, of the olden time." I could 
not thus meet with Mr. Tuttle, and listen to what he said, without 
feeling that he was imparting to me somewhat of his ardor for a 
study of our early annals. 

Our friend, I should say, had a warm, sympathetic nature that 
laid hold of an acquaintance and soon made of him a friend. He 
was quick to detect in another a taste for his favorite pursuit, and 
he inspired one with a confidence that he sought accuracy above 
all things, sparing no pains to be accurate, even in matters of 
apparently trifling moment. A lover of truth, no man surpassed 
him in the relish with which he set about its discovery. 

I think I do not err when I characterize him as having been 
remarkably unselfish in his method of exhuming and using historical 
facts. By this I mean that he cared nothing for gaining the credit 
of finding a paper or a book, as a first discoverer, — thought little 



46 Memoir of the Author. 

of enlarging his repute as an antiquary ; he was intent only that 
the fact should be brought to light for what it might be worth, not 
to him, but to the world. Indeed, he displayed a generosity in this 
field that was most admirable. Mr. Tuttle was tolerant. He may 
have been impatient of the blunders of others, but so far as I ob- 
served, nothing in word or tone escaped him that savored of harsh 
criticism. His thoughts and energies seemed to be concentrated 
on the men of the early time and their doings, rather than on what 
was going on around him ; and he welcomed every worker in the 
field of historic research who sought his aid or advice. 

Of his affectionate nature others can better speak than I ; but 
even one who but slightly knew him, felt its ever-present charm. 
His untimely death is sincerely mourned, and the memory of him 
is precious. As the years go by, and the early history of the 
Pascataqua becomes more clearly outlined, the value of Mr. Tut- 
tle's labors will be all the more appreciated. His personal traits, 
however, lend an indescribable delight to what he has written ; 
and it is but simple justice to his memory, that his warm-hearted, 
lovable nature should be known of by those who in future years 
will recur to the treasures he freely gathered for lovers of history. 
I feel that it is scarcely possible to say too much in his praise. 

The Rev. Edmund F. Slafter wrote a Memoir of Mr. 
Tuttle for the Massachusetts Historical Society, which 
has before been quoted. I make the following extract: 

In his social relations Mr. Tuttle was gentle, modest, and un- 
assuming. He was warm-hearted, and always overflowing with the 
spirit of kindliness. He was moderately reticent, and had little 
ambition for seeming to impart to others information which he 
did not possess ; but on themes that lay within the sphere of his 
personal observation, particularly those to which he had given a 
scrutinizing investigation, he was warmly responsive, and ready 
freely to unfold all the rich treasures of his accumulated knowledge. 



Memoir of the Author. 47 

He was simple and dignified in his bearing, faithful in his friend- 
ships a genial and instructive companion; and his death m what 
seemed to be the prime of his career of usefulness, will long be 
deplored by a large circle of scholars who knew him well and 
appreciated his excellent and rare qualities.i 

Prof. Truman H. Safford, of Williams College, Williams- 
town, Mass., writes of him: — 

I first met Mr. Tuttle at Cambridge in 1849, when I was 
thirteen years old. At that time I was much at the Observatory. 
Mr Tuttle was then at his carpenter's trade, near my parents 
home at Mt. Auburn, in the edge of Watertown, and visited me 
there, showing me a telescope which he had himself constructed 
In a few days I went with him to the Observatory, and introduced 
him to the Bonds. They were pleased with him, and shortly after 
asked me if he would not be a good man to come to the Observa- 
tory on a small stipend,-! think five hundred dollars yearly, - 
and be generally usefulin the work of the Observatory; receiving 
the stipend, at first on the order of the Director and afterwards 
as a permanent thing, in the regular way, on the College pay- 
roll. He was in fact invited to accept the position -I suppose 
provisionally -before he went ''as a student" and received the 
appointment from the Corporation, when it was found that he 
was practically ready for a fixed position. His first position was 
in fact that of an " Eleve," as it is called in some places abroad, - 
a hishlv promising learner under pay. 

In hi position at the Observatory he made great progress 
outside of his specified duties. He discovered one comet in 1853. 
independently of Father Secchi, at Rome, who preceded him by 
two days; and his calculations of the orbits of these bodies are 
still kept upon record in the catalogues of such works, published 

1 Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, xxi. 411, 4i2. 



48 Memoir of the Author. 

in Germany. He went once to Europe in charge of the chro- 
nometers which were sent backward and forward in the interest 
of the longitude-work of the Coast Survey. This was a mission 
that required a very good observer, as whoever went was obliged 
to take observations at Liverpool, in company with Mr, Hartnup, 
the astronomer there. Mr. Tuttle had also great mechanical skill, 
which was called into play in various ways on this mission, as well 
as at the Observatory. For myself, Mr. Tuttle's leaving the Ob- 
servatory was a personal loss, as I was much there during his term 
of office, and his companionship was very pleasant. 

Prof. Sylvester Waterhouse, LL.D., of Washington Uni- 
versity, St. Louis, Mo., wrote of him : — 

My acquaintance with Mr. Tuttle began in 1853. Towards 
the close of my last year in Harvard University our class was 
invited to visit the Observatory, It was on the occasion of this 
visit that I first met Mr. Tuttle. He was then an assistant of 
Professor Bond. An accidental conversation led to a friendship 
which lasted through life. His sterhng virtues endeared him to 
me. The modesty of his nature, the loyalty of his friendship, the 
strength of his intellect, and the accuracy of his scholarship were 
traits that could not fail to win regard. Apart from my sense of 
personal loss, it is a profound regret that a man so capable of 
public usefulness was removed in the prime of his powers. The 
constant expansion of his mind was fitting him for broader work. 
Had his life been spared, doubtless his later labors would still 
more conspicuously have illustrated the clearness and breadth of 
his intelligence, 

Mr. Tuttle was married, Jan. 31, 1872, to Mary Louisa 
Park, only daughter of the Hon. John C. Park. Her in- 
terest in his literary labors, and in his reputation as an 
author, is shown in the careful preservation of his manu- 



Memoir of the Author. 49 

scripts after his death, the collection of facts illustrating 
his life, and the provision in her will for editing and 
printing his unpublished manuscripts. 

His health had been failing for a year or more before 
his death, and in the spring of 1S81 he made a brief trip 
to the island of Bermuda, partly for his health, and partly 
to search the records for facts which his friend, the Hon. 
John Wentworth, LL.D., was desirous of obtaining. He 
did not long survive his return, dying at Boston on Sun- 
day morning, July 17, 1881, aged 51. Services were held 
in King's Chapel, the Rev. Edward H. Hall officiating. 
His funeral was attended by many relatives and friends, 
among whom were members of various societies with which 
he was connected. His remains were dejDOsited in Forest 
Hills Cemetery. 

The death of Mr. Tuttle was announced to the New 
England Historic Genealogical Society, at the first meet- 
ing after his decease, Sept. 7, 1881, by the President, Hon. 
Marshall P. Wilder, LL.D. Feeling tributes were paid 
to his memory by Hon. Charles Levi Woodbury and 
Mr. Frank W. Hackett, and a committee was appointed 
to prepare resolutions for future action. At the next meet- 
ing, on the 5th of October, Mr. Jeremiah Colburn reported 
resolutions, which, after remarks by President Wilder, the 
Rev. Dorus Clarke, D.D., and the Rev. Edmund F. Slaftcr, 
were unanimously adopted. The speakers expressed a high 
opinion of Mr. Tuttle as a man of ability and integrity, and 
as an historical writer, with a deep regret that he had been 
cut off in the midst of his usefulness. The resolutions are 

as follows : — 

7 



50 Memoir of the Author. 

Resolved, That the death of our associate member, Charles 
Wesley Tuttle, A.M., Ph.D., is a great loss to the historical litera- 
ture of New England. He took a deep interest in the early colo- 
nial history of this country, particularly in that of the colonies of 
New Hampshire and Maine, and devoted the energies of a mind 
singularly clear and free from prejudice to its investigation. He 
was never wearied in the pursuit of the truths of history, and was 
only satisfied when he had exhausted all possible sources of in- 
formation upon the points he was investigating. His Life of Capt. 
John Mason, the Founder of New Hampshire ; his Conquest of 
Acadia by the Dutch ; his Life of Francis Champernowne, and 
other works which he had undertaken, and on some of which he 
had bestowed years of patient toil, would have added much to the 
reputation he had already gained as a truthful historian, had he 
lived to complete them. 

Resolved, That this Society loses in him a valued member, who 
took a deep interest in its objects, and who was always ready to 
perform his share of its labors, and unselfishly to aid his brother 
members and others in their researches. 

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be sent to the family 
of Mr. Tuttle. 

At the first meeting of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety after the summer recess, Sept. 8, 1881, the President, 
the Hon. Robert C. Winthrop, LL.D., announced the death 
of several members since the last meeting of the Society, 
and accompanied the announcement with brief tributes to 
their memory. That to Mr. Tuttle vi^as as follows : — 

Mr. Charles Wesley Tuttle, who was born in Maine, Nov. i, 
1829, died, most unexpectedly to us all, on the 17th of July last, 
at his residence in this city. There are others of our number, who 
knew him more intimately than I did, who will bear testimony to 
his character and accomplishments. But I cannot forbear express- 



Memoir of the Author. 51 

ing briefly my own sense of his devotion to the work in which we 
are engaged, I knew him first while I was — as, I believe, I still 
am — one of the Visiting Committee of the Astronomical Observa- 
tory at Cambridge. He was there as one of the corps of observers, 
and distinguished himself by the discovery of a telescopic comet, in 
1853. In the following year he was attached to the United States 
expedition for determining the difference of longitude between 
Cambridge, in New England, and Greenwich, in Old England, 
In this relation he made several contributions to the Astro- 
nomical Journal, and to the Annals of the Harvard Observatory. 
Finding, however, that he had taxed his eyes too severely, he was 
compelled to abandon his scientific pursuits, and after a year or 
more at the Dane Law School, he was admitted to the Suffolk 
Bar in 1856, and entered at once on the successful practice of his 
profession. He soon began to evince an eager interest in New 
England history, and contributed many historical articles to the 
Register of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, of 
which he was long an active member. Our own Proceedings bear 
abundant evidence of the earnestness with which he entered into 
our labors after he became a member of this Society in 1873. 
He was rarely absent from our monthly meetings, and was a 
frequent contributor of interesting and valuable matter to our 
volumes. At the time of his death he was engaged in prepar- 
ing a Memoir of his friend the late Hon. Caleb Gushing, and 
other biographical works, which it may be hoped will not be lost. 
He was a man of great intelligence and energy, valued by us all 
as an associate and friend ; and his death, at only fifty-one years 
of age, is a serious loss to the working corps of our Society. 

Mr. Winthrop, with the authority of the Council, offered 
resolutions of respect to the memory of the resident mem- 
bers, which were unanimously adopted. That on Mr. Tuttle 
was as follows: — 



52 Memoir of the Author. 

Resolved, That we have heard with deep regret the announce- 
ment of the death of our valued associate and earnest fellow-worker, 
Charles VV. Tuttle, Esq., and that the President appoint one of our 
number to prepare a Memoir of him, for our Proceedings. 

On this occasion Mr. Winslow Warren paid the following 
tribute to Mr. Tuttle: — 

Mr. President, — I labor under the same difficulty that many 
of us experience, in attempting to add anything to your own ad- 
mirable remarks ; but my friendship for our deceased associate, 
Charles W. Tuttle, leads me to a few simple words of recognition 
and respect. It is a great regret to me that our friendship had 
not begun at an earlier period, that I could have done more ample 
justice to his early fame as an astronomer and scientific man ; but 
of that portion of his life, so full of promise, and of performance 
also, I have little knowledge other than as gathered from the regrets 
of his many friends and co-workers, that he should have been 
compelled to forsake a career opening so brilliantly, to tread the 
more prosaic paths of the law. Mr, Tuttle was admitted to the bar 
of Suffolk County in 1856, and upon my own admission, a very few 
years later, I became acquainted with him through a similar prac- 
tice in the courts. The intimacy thus formed, continued without 
interruption to the time of his most unexpected decease, and gave 
me full opportunity to see and appreciate the strength and purity 
of his character. Very early in my interviews with him at his office 
or elsewhere, I became impressed with his earnest devotion to the 
interests of his clients, and with the persistent energy in which 
he delved at the very foundations of principles of law involved 
in the cases with which he was connected. He gave to his cli- 
ents the utmost of his abilities, and those of no mean order, 
and he left untried no honest method for success. Wherever the 
study of the law led, as it often does, along the paths of history, 
his ardor was so enkindled anew, and all the enthusiasm of his 



Memoir of the Author. 53 

nature so fully aroused, that in his earliest practice one wondered 
whether the lawyer would absorb the astronomer, or the historian 
the lawyer. 

He was a man of great simplicity of character, and with an un- 
obtrusive modesty that gave charm to social intercourse, though 
in some degree perhaps obscuring marked abilities, and proving a 
hindrance to professional success. His true field was that of the 
historian and scholar, rather than of the busy man of affairs. He 
possessed a remarkable fund of historical knowledge, more particu- 
larly of matters connected with the early settlement of Maine and 
New Hampshire, was critical and accurate, and indefatigable in 
investigation of nice and doubtful points. 

For some years before his admission to this Society, in 1873, 
he had been a member of the New England Historic Genealogical 
Society, and of several State Historical Societies; and their records 
attest the value and constancy of his work. To this Society I feel 
that his loss is a very great one. Probably not many here present 
knew him well ; but those that did know him, appreciated the ex- 
tent of his attainments, the power for work there was in him, and 
the promise of important historical contributions to our collections. 
Of the younger members there are but few whose attendance has 
been more constant, whose interest more active, and whose contri- 
butions more valuable ; and if in the full maturity of his powers he 
had been enabled to devote himself more completely to those his- 
torical researches so congenial to his tastes, his rank would have 
been among the highest of our laborers in the field of history. At 
the time of his death he was engaged upon a life of Capt. John 
Mason, and had made a very extensive collection of material. It is 
to be hoped that this may not be lost to the world, and that his 
work was so far advanced as to make its completion by others 
possible. 

Our friend has been taken almost in the prime of his strength, 
but he has left a worthy example of an earnest, painstaking, labo- 
rious life, and furnished a rare instance of a man combining the 



54 Memoir of the Author. 

astronomer, the lawyer, and the historian, and achieving a good 
degree of success in each profession. 

At a meeting of the Council of the Prince Society, held 
at Boston, March 13, 1882, the Hon. Charles H. Bell, 
LL.D., of Exeter, N. H., a vice-president of the Society, 
offered the following resolutions, which were unanimously 
adopted : — 

Resolved, That the Council of the Prince Society desire to place 
upon record their deep sorrow at the death of one of their asso- 
ciates, the late Charles Wesley Tuttle, Ph.D., which occurred on 
Sunday, the 17th of July, 1881. Mr. Tuttle became a member of 
this Society in 1872. He was its treasurer from 1873 to 1874, 
and its corresponding secretary from 1874 to the time of his death. 
He had prepared a monograph on Capt. John Mason, the patentee 
of New Hampshire, to be printed by the Society. An enthusiastic 
student of history, a profound and painstaking explorer of ancient 
records, a conscientious and accurate writer, his loss will long be 
felt, not only by this Board, but by numerous historical associations, 
and by all who appreciate the value and importance of historical 
studies. 

Mrs. Mary Park Tuttle survived her husband nearly six 
years. She died at Brookline, April 25, 1887, and her re- 
mains were laid by his side. Over the place where Mr. 
Tuttle's body reposes, on Clematis Path, Forest Hills, is 
an unhewn block of granite, placed there by his widow. It 
bears, on a bronze tablet, this inscription : — 

CHARLES V^^ESLEY TUTTLE 
1829 ^ 1881 

ASTRA CASTRA, NUMEN LUMEN 



BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH 



OF 



MARY LOUISA PARK TUTTLE. 



BY 



HARRIET PRESCOTT SPOFFORD. 




MARY LOUISA PARK TUTTLE. 



IV/rARY LOUISA PARK, of whose devotion to the 
•^^^ memory of her husband, Charles W. Tuttle, this 
book is a witness, was the daughter of the Hon. John C. 
Park, a distinguished member of the legal profession, and 
was born in Boston, on the 5th of May, 1840. On her 
mother's side she was a lineal descendant of Christopher 
Kilby, of colonial fame; and the very romantic and pic- 
turesque story of her own immediate ancestry — as Mr. 
Tuttle's Memoir of Christopher Kilby exhibits it — led her 
to take a warm interest in genealogical studies, such as 
those which her husband pursued. She was married to 
Mr. Tuttle in the Arlington Street Church, by the Rev. 
Dr. Peabody, on the 31st of January, 1872, and her com- 
panionship and love and care were of inestimable value 
to him, surrounding him always with those tender obser- 
vances without which it would have been impossible for 
him to continue his researches and work as he did. In 
her youth possessed of much beauty, Mrs. Tuttle was still, 
at the time of her death, of elegant and attractive per- 
sonality, with peculiar grace and dignity. But her chief 

8 



58 Mary Louisa Park Tttttle. 

charm lay in an apprehensive inteHigence, a perfect!}^ 
equable disposition, a quick wit, and a lively sense of 
humor that made a dull hour in her society impossible. 
Unselfish to a marked degree, her great patience and 
strength of character were shown throughout the linger- 
ing illness — an affection of the heart — of which she died 
on the 25th of April, 1887, and whose acute sufferings she 
bore with an almost saintly sweetness. Through the gen- 
erous love of her friend, Mrs. Carrie E. Evans, a very com- 
fortable income was for many years assured to her; and, as 
the following paragraph of her will shows, a portion of the 
principal w^as set aside by her for the purpose of publishing 
the works of her husband, to be found in this volume. 

Item TJiird. In memory of my beloved husband Charles W. 
Tutllc, that some of his historic works should be published, I 
hereby direct that my said executor shall cause to be published 
" Francis Champernovvne " and other works, if he and my hus- 
band's friend, John Ward Dean, think advisable ; and I hereby 
request that the said John Ward Dean select such other work 
or works as he in his judgment deems best to be published, and 
that he either edit the same, or cause some competent person 
under his supervision to do the same, and to see that such work 
or works be properly published. I further direct that as to the 
manner and form of their publication the said Dean shall consult 
with my husband's friend Thomas Weston, Jr. I hereby direct my 
said executor to pay out of my estate all proper expenses attending 
such editing and publishing the said " Francis Champernowne," 
and such other of said historical works of my beloved husband as 
the said Dean shall direct to be so published. 

It was a large-souled and large-minded woman who in 
exemplifying her appreciation of her husband, and in her 



Mary Louisa Park Ttittle. 59 

desire to gratify his friends by giving them works of his 
which otherwise might never see the Hght, dictated this 
provision. She was indeed one who, if devoted and fault- 
less as a wife, was not less so as a daughter, sister, friend. 
She made the world brighter while she lived in it, and 
sadder when she left it. 



CAPTAIN FRANCIS CHAMPERNOWNE, 

HIS ANCESTRY AND KINDRED, 
WITH A SKETCH OF HIS LIFE. 

BY CHARLES VV. TUTTLE. 



^^^-^^5^ 



^^.ts^ 




CAPTAIN FRANCIS CHAMPERNOWNE. 



I. 



HIS ANCESTRY AND KINDRED. 

nPHE spectacle of families living with a broken hearth- 
•^ stone, one fragment resting in the Old World and the 
other in the New, the affections and sympathies of kindred 
remaining unsevered, is one of the most impressive in the 
domestic lives of our ancestors. It is a scene that cannot 
be contemplated without emotion and concern. The his- 
tory of those who left their fatherland in the period of 
early colonization to find homes and graves in the Ameri- 
can wilderness, is invested with a melancholy and fascinat- 
ing interest. Life under such circumstances is surrounded 
with new perils and strange incidents, and subjected to 
new vicissitudes. The career of the immigrant, fresh from 
the influence of venerable traditions, customs, and feudal 
limitations, is dramatic and interesting in proportion as it 
mingles with historical movements and events which come 
within the range of our sympathies and solicitude. An 



64 Captain Francis Champ ernowne. 

interest verging on the romantic gathers around him if 
he happens to be a scion of an ancient or noble family, 
or to bear a name made illustrious by his European 
ancestors. 

More than two centuries ago, in the reign of Charles I., 
the people of the ancient, picturesque, and almost sea-girt 
counties of Devon and Cornwall in England were closely 
allied with the dwellers in New England, especially those 
living between the Merrimack and the Penobscot rivers. 
One was the offspring of the other ; similar relations sub- 
sisted between them, although separated by a wide waste 
of waters, as now subsist between the people of the same 
stock in the Atlantic and the Pacific States. So frequent 
and continuous was the communication between these peo- 
ple, that the domestic circle was scarcely broken. Vessels 
sailed periodically between Dartmouth, Plymouth, Fal- 
mouth, and harbors bordering on the Bristol Channel, 
and from the Pascataqua, the Isles of Shoals, and harbors 
to the eastward, laden with merchandise and passengers, 
and bearino: tokens of affection and remembrance. Na- 
ture seems to have designed these ancient counties to 
form some intimate relations with the New World, by 
thrusting them far westward into the Atlantic ocean. 
Their territory lies nearer to America than that of any 
other shire of England. 

In the fore part of the reign of Charles I., when the tide 
of English emigration set strongly towards New England, 
more persons originating in Devon and Cornwall, and 
perhaps Somerset, were living on the sea-coast of Maine 
and New Hampshire, and on the adjacent islands, than 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 65 

from all other counties in England. Looking over the 
family names in our early records, one would imagine 
he was between Land's End and Bristol in England, so 
numerous are the coincidences in this respect. These 
immigrants transferred to their new homes local names 
dear to them, and for ages to their ancestors, as memorials 
of their birthplaces. Before the time of King Philip's 
War, which happened more than two centuries ago, the 
names of Devonshire, of Somersetshire, and of Cornwall 
had been formally affixed to maritime districts lying in 
Maine, divided by great rivers, and having the functions 
and organization of English counties. The names of 
many towns and cities within those ancient shires had 
also been transferred to places in these new counties. In- 
deed the entire social, commercial, and political aspects of 
these new settlements were strikingly similar to those of 
the southwest of England. Perhaps the similitude in ex- 
tent was not then to be found in the other English settle- 
ments in America.^ 

To Devon, more than to the other two counties, these 
immigrants to the shores of the gulf of Maine owed their 
origin, their knowledge of commerce and of the arts of life. 
This shire was then distinguished above all others of Eng- 
land for navigation and agriculture, mining and manufac- 
tures, — employments which admirably fitted the people 
for new settlements in America. Its inhabitants were ac- 
counted " bold, martial, haughty of heart, prodigal of life, 
constant in affections, courteous to strangers, yet greedy 
of glory and honor." Fuller, comparing them with the 

^ Compare Williamson's Maine, and Folsom's Saco and Biddeford. 

9 



66 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

inhabitants of other shires of England, declares that they 
were distinguished for having universal genius; and Queen 
Elizabeth used to say of the Devon gentry, " They were 
all born courtiers with a becoming confidence."^ 

The nobility and the gentry of Devon had no superior 
in England as regards ancient lineage and historic renown. 
The Hollands and the Seymours, the Carews and the 
Courtenays, and others, dukes and earls, fill a considerable 
space in the history of this shire. Its gentry shine with 
steady lustre through all periods of English history.^ The 
memorable deeds of Ralegh^ and of Gilbert, of Drake and 
of Hawkins, — and to these may be added the ever honored 
name of Gorges, — are sufficient to prove the quality of the 
people of this shire in the age of Elizabeth and of James. 

In antiquity and splendor of descent the family of 
Champernowne* is surpassed by few, if any, in the west 
of England.^ It is of Norman origin, and takes its name 
from the parish of Cambernun in Normandy, where it 
long flourished. Antiquarian and historical writers of the 
age of Elizabeth, and later, take notice of the several 
lustrous branches then flourishing in Devon, and of its 

1 Fuller's Worthies of England, Dev- signatures I have seen. In the old 
onshire ; Westcote's View "of Devon- provincial records, contemporary with 
shire, 42, 55. him, in New Hampshire and Maine, the 

2 Among these were the Cliamper- recording officer has quite uniformly 
nowne, Fulford, Bampfylde, Ralegh, spelled the name as in the text. In 
Grenville, Gilbert, Drake, Hawkins, Carew's History of Cornwall, printed in 
Gary, and Gorges families. 1602, in the English State papers of 

^ Sir Walter Ralegh must be allowed this period, and in Burke's Landed Gen- 

to be the best authority for the mode of try, the name is usually in this form, 

writing his own surname : 1 follow him. The family now in possession of the 

^ The last syllable of this name is ancestral manor of Dartington write it 

variously spelled. I have adopted the this wise. 

spelling of Captain Champernowne him- ^ Burke's Landed Gentry, Champer- 

self in the only undoubted autograph nowne. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 67 

alliances with distinguished families. The learned Camden 
styles it a " famous and ancient family," havmg the mheri- 
tance and possession of the town of Modbury in his time. 
Westcote, a Devon antiquary of great authority, writing 
in the first year of the reign of Charles I., speaks of the 
"clarous and knightly family of Champernowne," of Devon- 
shire- and Prince, the author of the Worthies of Devon, in 
a later reign, speaks of the "eminent persons of this name 
and family, the history of whose actions and exploits, for the 
greatest part, is devoured by time.''^ While the mists of 
antiquity conceal the remote generations of this family, 
from the long and memorable reign of Henry II. the 
stream of descent in Devon is clear to this day, through- 
out a period of more than seven hundred years.^ Dynasty 
after dynasty has come and gone, and yet this family has 
survived. During this long time the name of Champer- 
nowne winds like a silver cord through the naval annals 

of England. 

Before the reign of Henry VIII. the family of Champer- 
nowne, having the lineage of many illustrious houses, even 
that of the royal house of the Plantagenets, had united by 
marriage with the ancient families of the Gilberts and the 
Raleglts, and thence sprang Sir Humphrey Gilbert and 
Sir Walter Ralegh, the two foremost names in Anglo- 
American history.^ Near the end of the reign of Elizabeth, 

iWestcote's View of Devonshire, Life of Sir Walter Rakg^^^^^^^^ 



68 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

an alliance with the old and knightly family of Fulford 
issued in a son, Francis Champernowne, whose destiny it 
was to share in the perils and fortunes of colonizing the 
New World, and to leave his name in the early annals of 
New England.^ 

The Champernowne family lived with dignity and splen- 
dor in Modbury, — a parish about midway between the 
great commercial towns of Plymouth and Dartmouth, — 
during many centuries. It was accounted ancient there 
in the reign of Henry VII. Sir Arthur Champernowne, 
great-grandfather of Francis, was a younger son of Sir Philip 
Champernowne and Katherine, daughter of Sir Edmund 
Carew, Baron of Carew,^ a gallant soldier who fought in 
the memorable battle of Bosworth Field, under the victo- 
rious banners of the Earl of Richmond. This Arthur was 
one of the many distinguished sons of the Modbury house 
of that period. In his younger days he was concerned 
with his cousin. Sir Peter Carew, in the western con- 
spiracy against Queen Mary of England and her match 
with Philip II., — a very notable event in her short reign, 
— and was sent to the Tower. In the reign of Elizabeth 
he was vice-admiral of the west, and otherwise much 
employed in public affairs. He was associated with his 
celebrated nephew Sir Humphrey Gilbert — son of an 
elder sister — in making plantations in Ireland, and was 
connected with many other famous enterprises at home and 

spondent living in Greenland, N. H., where he also lived, tradition says he 

where Captain Champernowne lived was the "son of a nobleman." 

more than two centuries asjo, informs ^ Westcote, 434, 614. 

me that tradition reports his "descent ^ Baron Carew was slain in France, 

from royalty." On the other side of in 1513. 

the Pascataqua River, in Kittery, IVIaine, 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 69 

abroad. For some public service, most probably, he was 
rewarded with the gift of the Abbey-site of Polsloe, near 
Exeter, one of the monastic spoils of Henry VIII. This 
he exchanged, early in the reign of Elizabeth, for the 
historic barony of Dartington, situated on the western 
bank of the beautiful river Dart, two miles above Totnes 
and ten from Dartmouth, where his name and posterity 
continue to this day. Traditions of his illustrious family 
connections, and of his baronial and cavalier style, linger 
in the neighborhood of his residence. A stately monu- 
ment of alabaster in the parish church of Dartington 
commemorates his name and deeds.^ 

From the Conquest this barony had been the seat of 
illustrious families, — the Hollands, of royal lineage, Dukes 
of Exeter, being the last. Dartington House, the baronial 
and ducal mansion, a very ancient and stately structure, 
is seated on an eminence in the peaceful and romantic 
scenery of the Dart, overlooking the town and vale of 
ancient Totnes. It still bears the marks of feudal gran- 
deur and power, and it ranks among the most famous of 
the antiquities of Devonshire. The original buildings were 
arranged in quadrangular form, enclosing a full acre of 
ground. The architecture, grand and massive, belongs 
to a period anterior to the reign of the Tudor princes. 
Viewed in connection with the parts now lying in ruins, 
the whole structure in its palmy days must have been 
imposing and magnificent, the fitting residence of the 

1 Prince, Worthies, i68, 192, 500; History of England, vi. 146, 148; ix. 

Burke's History of the Commoners, ii., 365, 366. It is worthy of note that 

273 ; Calendar of State Papers (Domes- Mr. Froude, the historian, was born in 

tic), 1 547- 1 580 ; Westcote, 408 ; Froude's Dartington. See note i, p. 76, postea. 



70 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

princely Dukes of Exeter.^ These venerable buildings, 
thickly overgrown with ivy and patched with moss, now 
wear a picturesque and romantic aspect, differing but 
little from what they were in the days of James I., when 
the youthful Francis Champernowne played among their 
ruins, gambolled in their antique halls, and listened to the 
tales of their ancient glory. This is now the seat of Arthur 
Champernowne, Esq., having descended to him from his 
distinguished ancestor Sir Arthur, the proprietor in the 
reign of Queen Elizabeth.^ 

John Champernowne, of Modbury, heir of the house, 
the elder brother of Sir Arthur, of Dartington, married 
Katherine, a daughter of the Lord Mountjoy, while his 
sister, Katherine Champernowne,^ by two marriages, be- 
came the mother of five knights, — among whom were the 
renowned Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter Ralegh. 
How august a title to our reverence and to that of future 
generations has this English Cornelia ! She alone would 
suffice to make the name of Champernowne illustrious ; 
and she is as deserving of a statue to her memory as was 
the great Roman matron.* 

1 Prince, uhi supra. A view of the and Sir Walter Ralegh. She is buried 

Dartington House is in Polwhele's in Exeter Cathedral. Tuckett's Pedi- 

Devon, and in Lyson's Devon ; also in grees, ubi supra ; Pole's Devon, 310. 
Moore's History of Devonshire, from "* "There lived then a remarkable 

which this heliotype view is taken. woman, — remarkable for having two 

2 Since this was written, Arthur sons of different fathers, whose heroic 

Champernowne, Esq., has died. See temperament and versatile talents must 

note I, p. ^6, postea. — H. have been derived from their common 

8 Katherine Champernowne's first mother. The half-brothers, Humphrey 

husband was Otho Gilbert, of Green- Gilbert and Walter Ralegh, were more 

way, and their sons were Sir John, Sir alike in tastes and genius than is often 

Humphrey, and Sir Adrian Gilbert, seen in a nearer relationship. It was 

Her second husband was Walter the blood of the Champernownes, — a 

Ralegh, and their sons were Sir Carew name that has a place of its own in our 



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His Ancestry and Kindred. 71 

Sir Arthur Champernowne/ the first proprietor of Dart- 
ington, married Mary, the daughter of Sir Henry Norreys, 
the widow of the heroic Sir George Carew,^ and had several 
children, — among whom were Gawen and Elizabeth, both 
destined to advance the interests and the honor of the 
family. Elizabeth Champernowne became the wife of Sir 
Edward Seymour, Baronet, of Berry Castle, a grandson of 
the Duke of Somerset, Lord Protector of England. A 
stately monument in the church of the parish of Berry 
Pomeroy, hard by Dartington, perpetuates her memory 
and that of her husband and children. Her descendants, 
the present ducal house of Somerset being among them, 
have been high in rank, and have filled eminent stations 
in England down to the present time. Her grandson, 
cousin to Capt. Francis Champernowne, is the subject 
of eulogy by Lord Macaulay in his history of England. 
" An adversary," he says, " of no common prowess was 
watching his time. This was Sir Edward Seymour, of 
Berry Pomeroy Castle, member for the city of Exeter. 
Seymours birth put him on a level with the noblest sub- 
jects in Europe. He was the right heir-male of the body 
of that Duke of Somerset who had been brother-in-law of 
King Henry VI H., and Protector of the realm of England. 

Colonial history, — and not that of the pride of the English navy, sunk off 

Gilberts and Raleghs, which made them Portsmouth in 1545. He was the com- 

what they were." (Dr. Samuel F. Ha- mander of this ill-fated ship at the time, 

ven, Lowell Institute Lectures, iS6g, and went down with all on board. His 

p. 134.) — H. widow, Mary, the daughter of Sir Henry 

1 Sir Arthur Champernowne died in Norreys, was sister to Henry, Baron 

1578. Norreys, Queen Elizabetli's ambassador 

^ Sir George Carew, a noted and ac- to France. Sir Arthur Champernowne, 

complished naval commander, perished of Dartington, was cousin to her first 

in the celebrated Mary Rose, the husband. 



72 Captain Francis C hamper nowne^ 

From the elder son was descended the family which dwelt 
at Berry Pomeroy. Seymour's .fortune was large, and his 
influence in the west of England extensive. Nor was the 
importance derived from descent and wealth the only 
importance which belonged to him. He was one of the 
most skilful debaters and men of business in the kingdom. 
He had sat many years in the House of Commons, had 
studied all its rules and usages, and thoroughly understood 
its temper. He had been elected Speaker in the late reign 
under circumstances which made that distinction peculiarly 
honorable. During several generations none but lawyers 
had been called to the chair; and he was the first country 
gentleman whose abilities and acquirements enabled him 
to break that long prescription. He had subsequently 
held high political office, and had sat in the Cabinet; but 
his haughty and unaccommodating temper had given so 
much disgust that he had been forced to retire." Gavven 
Champernowne inherited a passion for martial life.^ In his 
youth he and his distinguished cousins. Sir Walter Ralegh 
and Henry Champernowne, served with the English con- 
tingent in France, commanded by the famous Huguenot 
general, the Count of Montgomery, whose misfortunes alone 
would suffice to make his name memorable.^ 

In a grand tournament held in Paris, on the occasion 
of a great festival in honor of the marriage of one of the 
royal family,^ the King of France, Henry II., having van- 
quished several princely antagonists, challenged the young 

' Two Champernownes were cru- Westcote, 406 et seq.; Edwards's Life 
saders. tic, nlii supra. 

^ Tuckett and Burke, tibi supra; 3 Margaret, sister of the King and 

the Duke of Savoy. 




GAWEN CHAMPERNOWNE. 
Grandfather op Capt. Francis Champernownk. 



H6LI0TVPE PRINTING CO., BOSTON. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 73 

Count of Montgomery, then Captain of the Guards, to 
break a pair of lances with him. The Count reluctantly 
accepted. The King and his gallant subject met in full 
array, in the presence of the noblest assemblage in France ; 
and on the first tilt a fragment of the lance held by the 
Count struck the King in his left eye, at the instant when 
the sudden shock had moved the visor of his helmet, and 
he fell mortally wounded. Upon this awful mishap the 
Count retired, first to Normandy, and then into England, 
filled with the deepest grief for what had only accidentally 
happened. While in England he became a convert to 
the reformed religion ; and when the civil war broke out in 
France a few years later, he joined the Prince of Conde 
and the Admiral Coligny in the cause of the Huguenots. 
The Champernowne family, like many others in the west 
of England, espoused the cause of the reformers in France, 
and aided it with their fortunes and their valor. The mar- 
riage of Gawen Champernowne, a.d. 1571, and the Lady 
Gabrielle, the beautiful and accomplished daughter of the 
Count of Montgomery, united the interests of the two 
families. He followed the fortunes of his father-in-law 
through many years of civil strife, until the latter was 
taken prisoner at Domfront, in 1574, and publicly executed 
in Paris, by the victorious Guises. Gawen Champernowne 
now returned to England bereft of considerable of his 
fortune hazarded in the strife, while his wife lost all, the 
vast estates of her father having been confiscated. His mili- 
tary experience while in France enabled him afterward to 
render good service to his country in the war with Spain, 
which came on a few years later, and he was intrusted by 



10 



74 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

the Queen with many responsible military offices in Devon- 
shire. He was associated with the renowned Sir Francis 
Drake in several public employments; and such was his 
friendship for this great navigator that he bequeathed to 
him in his last will a ring of gold.^ 

Gawen^ Champernowne and the Lady Gabrielle, daughter 
of the Count of Montgomery, had nine children, who lived 
to adult age. Arthur, the father of Captain Francis, was 
the only son and heir. Seven of the eight daughters were 
married, all to gentlemen of ancient families, several of them 
being of the rank of knights of England.^ 

Arthur Champernowne succeeded to the ancestral manor 
of Dartington on the death of his father, which happened 
in a few years after the memorable Spanish Armada threat- 
ened England.^ He was no less fond of adventure, and 
endowed with no less mental capability, than his ances- 
tors ; but these personal qualities were displayed in quite an- 
other way. The losses of his father and grandfather in the 
religious wars of France had diminished his patrimony to 
some extent; and this circumstance probably directed his 
energies into fields of enterprise calculated to restore the 
ancient opulence of his house, and to provide a home in 
the New World for some of his many sons.^ To commerce 
and to plantations in America was an easy transition, for 

1 Edwards's Life, etc., ubi supra; from the Carews. Sir Gawen Carew, 
Nouvclle Biographic Gdndrale, Mont- a distinguished person at the court of 
gomery ; Browning's History of the Queen Elizabeth, was a son of Sir Ed- 
Huguenots ; Calendar of State Papers mund, Baron Carew, the great grand- 
(Domestic), years 1 583-1584; Will in father of Gawen Champernowne. 
Prerogative Office, London. ^ Tucl<ett's Pedigrees, ?^<^/ j-w/rrt. 

'^ Gawen is an old surname in Wilts * Calendar of State Papers, A. D. 1592. 

and Somerset, and came into this family ^ Edwards's Life of Ralegh, ubi supra. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 75 

one of his shire, from arenas of martial and political strife. 
His illustrious kinsmen had distinguished themselves in 
both fields of enterprise, and had raised to eminence both 
these employments. He was the owner and joint owner 
of many vessels of Dartmouth. Alexander Shapleigh, of 
Totnes or Dartmouth, — the same, probably, who came to 
the Pascataqua about the year 1640, where descendants 
continue in high esteem to this day, — was joint owner with 
him of the ship Benediction, of Dartmouth.^ 

In November, 1622, Arthur Champernowne had a com- 
mission from the Council for New England permitting his 
vessel, the Chudleigh, an ancestral name, to trade and fish 
in the waters of New England.^ This vessel did not sail, 
it is likely, before the following Spring; and she may have 
the forgotten distinction of bearing to the Pascataqua some 
of the fathers of that early settlement, begun at this time. 
It is probable that this vessel, and other vessels belonging 
to him, made voyages to New England before and after 
this date. He became very well acquainted, through his 
commercial undertakings, with New England and the vari- 
ous proprietary interests therein. Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
captain of the castle, and also of the Island of St. Nicholas, 
at Plymouth, was most active and largely concerned in 
planting and settling the country, and ready to give in- 
formation and to encourage adventurers. Besides, they 
were brothers-in-law, having married sisters of the ancient 
and knightly house of Fulford, a circumstance that accounts 

^ See Calendar of State Papers, Do- St. Nicholas, Mary, Bridget, Benedic- 
mestic, from a.d. 1625 to 163 1. Cham- tion, and others, all of Dartmouth, 
pernowne's vessels were the Chudleigh, ^ proc. Am. Antiquarian Society, 

April, 1867, P- 70- 



76 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

for the origin of Arthur Champernowne's interest in New 
England. 

In the last year of the reign of Elizabeth, Arthur 
Champernowne married Bridget, daughter of Sir Thomas 
Fulford, of Great Fulford, in Devonshire, Kt. This family 
is not inferior in antiquity and in historic lineage to the 
Champernowne family; and both flourish to this day in 
the seats of their ancestors.^ Westcote, the old historian, 
speaks of the " knightly and dignous family of Fulford 
of his time," and says that he had seen evidence of its 
great state and splendor in the age of Richard Cceur de 
Lion.^ " This right antient and honorable family," says 
Prince, writing in the reign of William III., "have held 
this seat by the name of Fulford from the days of King 
Richard I. to this day, — upwards of five hundred years; 
in which long tract of time the heirs thereof have matched 
with the daughters of divers of the nobility, — as of Cour- 
tenay, descended from the Earl of Devonshire, Lord 
Bourchier, Earl of Bath, Lord Bonville, Lord Paulet, and 
others." ^ 

1 These ancient families are now also the writer is indebted for valua- 
represented in England as follows: ble information. See Walford's County 
Arthur Champernowne, Esq., of Dart- Families of England for 1873. 
ington, educated at Trinity College, Ox- [The Rev. Richard Champernowne, 
ford, magistrate of Devon, lord of the of Christ Church, Oxford, 1S39, was 
manors of Dartington, Umberleigh, and Curate of Dartington Parish from 1845 
North Tawton, and patron of one living, to 1859, when he became Rector, sue- 
to whom the writer is much indebted ceeding Archdeacon Froude. f;\ther of 
for information respecting the subject Mr. Froude the historian. Arthur 
of this memoir, and his ancestors ; and Champernov/ne, Esq., mentioned above, 
Baldwin Fulford, Esq., of Fulford, edu- died May 27, 1887, and is succeeded by 
cated at Exeter College, Oxford, magis- his son Arthur. — H.] 
trate of Devon, lord" of the manor" of - Westcote's View of Devonshire, 434 
Dunsford, and patron of one living, ci seq. 

The Rev. Richard Champernowne is ^ Prince, Worthies, 39:!. Tn the 

the Rector of Dartington, and to him church of St. Mary, at Dunsford, there 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 77 

The Fulford family is of Saxon origin, and is said to 
derive its name from the place of its ancient residence 
and possessions in Devonshire. The name is conspicuous 
in the history of the English Crusaders in the twelfth 
century. Sir Amias and Sir Baldwin Fulford shared in 
these romantic adventures, and achieved personal distinc- 
tion in the Holy Land. Sir Baldwin, a Knight of the 
Sepulchre, gained renown by the courage and valor which 
he displayed in a memorable combat with a giant Saracen, 
as well as by the victory which he won over the infidel. 
The contest involved the honor and liberty of a royal lady 
in a besieged castle ; and the whole affair forms a curious 
and interesting chapter of romance and chivalry in the 
history of that age. In commemoration of his heroic 
achievement, two Saracens were made the supporters of 
the arms of the Fulfords, — a distinction that belongs to 
but few families below the rank of nobles.^ In all reigns 
members of this family have been distinguished in mili- 
tary and naval enterprises, as well as in offices of Church 
and State. It flourishes to this day in the seat of its re- 
mote ancestors, the male line continuing unbroken from 
the Knight of the Sepulchre. The late Right Reverend 
Francis Fulford, D.D., Lord Bishop of Montreal and 
Metropolitan of Canada, was of this family, and was born 
on the ancestral manor.^ 

is a magnificent monument to the mem- ^ Sir Baldwin (sheriff of Devon, 38 

oryof Sir Thomas Fulford, Kt., and liis Henry VI., 1460), Knight of the 

lady, Ursula, the daughter of Sir Rich- Sepulchre, and Under Admiral to Hol- 

ard Bampfyldc, consisting of effigies of land, Duke of Exeter. High Admiral of 

himself, wife, and children, with armo- England, married Elizabeth P.ozome, 

rial symbols and banners. These are and had issue, Sir Thomas Fulford, 

the maternal grandparents of Capt. Knight, who married Philippa, daughter 

Francis Champernowne. — Polwhele's of Sir Philip Courtenay. 

Devon i. 80. ^ Burke's Visitation of Seats and 



78 Captain Francis Champeniowne. 

Great Fulford, in Devon, the cradle of the race and the 
seat of the family from the Conquest, is nine miles south- 
west of Exeter, the ancient capital of the west of England. 
Fulford House, the family mansion for centuries, is still 
in excellent preservation, although built early in the reign 
of Queen Elizabeth. Some part of the venerable pile is 
of even greater antiquity. It is an imposing structure, 
standing on rising ground, near a beautiful sheet of water, 
in the midst of a fine landscape. Early in the great civil 
war Sir Francis Fulford, maternal uncle of Capt. Francis 
Champernowne, converted it into a military fortress, and 
garrisoned it in behalf of King Charles ; but it was finally 
taken by the parliamentary forces under Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax, after a siege of two weeks, without being destroyed.^ 

Such, in brief, is the lineage of Francis Champernowne, 
whose career belongs to the history of New England. Few 
persons in that age could claim an ancestry more ancient 
and more renowned. He could trace his descent from the 
period of the Conquest through more than fifteen gen- 
erations of ancestors, finding among them, in every reign, 
historical personages whose blood ran in his own veins. 
His descent from the noble family of Montgomery of 
France infused the sprightly Gallic blood into his English 
veins, and connected him with historical families and great 
events in that kingdom. The venerable names of Cham- 
pernowne and of Fulford had come down from remote 
antiquity side by side, always among the foremost in 

Arms, i. 189, 190; Lyson's Magna Bri- ^ Burke, nt supra; also, Devonshire 

tannia, Devonshire, 171, 172; West- in Beauties of England and Wales, 

cote, 434, 613 ; Walford's County Fam- where a view of Fulford House may be 

ilies. See Fulford, in Prince, Worthies seen. 
of Devon. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 79 

Devonshire. Both families were descended from ances- 
tors who derived lineage from the royal house of the 
Plantagenets ; and both had been fountains of some of 
the noblest houses then in England. At the period of 
his birth, in the reign of James I., there was scarcely a 
noble or a distinguished family in the west of England 
not allied in blood with one or both of these ancient 
families. Their connection with the Gilberts, the Raleghs, 
and the Gorges, historic names that belong to both hemi- 
spheres, must ever excite fresh interest in their history 
on this side of the Atlantic. 

Nor was Francis Champernowne less fortunate in the 
place of his birth. ^Nature and art had striven together 
to make the historic barony of Dartington one of the 
most romantic and picturesque sites in the west of Eng- 
land.^ It lay in a favorite region, between the Tamar and 
the Teign, Dartmoor and the English Channel, and for 
centuries was known as the Garden of Devonshire.^ The 
barony was a feudal gift of William the Conqueror to one 
of his Norman favorites. Before the Champernownes came 
hither from Modbury, a long line of great dukes and great 
barons dwelt there during many centuries ; and they had 
built in successive reigns from the time of the Conquest, 
for shelter and defence, a stately structure, curious in de- 

1 " And now Dart with due respect tribe of Cliampernon, who married Ful- 

salutes the barony of Dartington, which ford; his father, Gabrielle, the daugh- 

"Martin possessed, together with Kemys ter of Count Montgomery, France ; his 

in Pembrokeshire: tlien was it tlie seat grandfather, in tlie noble house of Nor- 

of the illustrious family of Holland,Dukes ris." — Westcote's View of Devonshire, 

of Exeter: very deliglitfully seated for 408, anno 1630. 

prospect, as overlooking the town of - Beauties of England and Wales, tit 

Totnes ; now it glories in the knightly supra. 



8o Captain Francis Champernowne. 

sign and workmanship. Several times between the Nor- 
man and the Tudor reigns it had returned to the Crown 
by forfeiture of its owners, and formed a part of the royal 
demesne and often served as a royal residence. Its splen- 
dor culminated while in the possession of the powerful 
family of Holland, Dukes of Exeter, a princely race issu- 
ing from the reigning house of Plantagenet. While held 
by this family it was the seat of imperial authority; for 
while Richard II. sat anointed on the throne, his half 
brothers, the able and ambitious Hollands, contrived to 
wield the sceptre of England.-^ Thomas Holland, the first 
Duke of Exeter, was a son of the Fair Maid of Kent, 
grand-daughter of Edward I., afterwards wife of the re- 
nowned Black Prince, and mother of Richard II. This 
Duke married a daughter of the famous John of Gaunt, 
son of King Edward III., and father of Henry IV. His 
son, the second Duke of Exeter, was Lord High Admiral 
of England. The third and last Duke of this family mar- 
ried a sister of King Edward IV., and came to a melan- 
choly end in France. The chief part of the old baronial 
structure now standing, and known as the Dartington 
House, was built by the first Duke, half brother of Rich- 
ard 11.^ The heraldic devices of its various possessors may 
still be seen carved on its antique walls. The badge of 
the Black Prince is yet conspicuous in the great tower. 

1 Hume's England, chap. xvii. married thrice : first, to the Earl of 

2 Lyson's Magna Britannia, Ixxxii. Salisbury; second, to Sir Thomas Hol- 
xcv. 152: Burke's Extinct Peerage, land, K. G., by whom she had a son, 
Joane Plantagenet, from her extraor- John, Earl of Huntingdon, and first 
dinary beauty styled the Fair Maid of Duke of Exeter ; and third, to Edward 
Kent, was the daughter of the Earl of the Black Prince, by whom she had 
Kent, a son of Edward I. She was Richard II. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 8i 

When the first Stuart came to the throne of England, 
this venerable pile had lost much of its original splendor. 
The violence of the wars of the Roses, anterior to the reign 
of the Tudor monarchs, had destroyed the integrity of 
this princely habitation ; and fame and age were striving 
for the mastery of it when Francis Champernowne first 
saw light within its ancient halls. 

Hard by Dartington was the ancient barony of Berry, 
another baronial creation of the Conqueror, the gift by 
him to a favorite officer, Ralph de Pomeroy. Berry Castle, 
built by this Norman favorite, became one of the most 
splendid castles in Devonshire in the reign of Elizabeth. 
It stood on a rocky, eminence beyond the Dart, its proud 
and lofty towers overlooking the landscape of Dartington, 
For a period of five hundred years this castle was the 
stately residence of the historic family of Pomeroy, de- 
scended from the Norman baron. But by an act of trea- 
son of Pomeroy the proprietor, in the reign of Edward VI., 
this ancient family fell from its high estate, and the cas- 
tle with all its domains passed to the Duke of Somerset, 
uncle of King Edward and Lord Protector of England, 
in whose issue it continues to this day.^ Sir Edward 
Seymour, grandson of the Duke, inherited the castle, and 
married Elizabeth Champernowne, of Dartington. This 
union of the Seymour and the Champernowne families 
in the reign of Elizabeth made the possessors of Berry 
Castle and of Dartington House one kindred in the 
reign of James I.^ 

* Lyson's Magna Britannia, Ixxxii. of Berry Pomeroy is now a magnificent 
cvi. 43. See Pomeroy, in Prince, ruin, having been destroyed during the 
Worthies. great civil war. 

2 Prince, Worthies, 9, 10. The castle 

II 



82 Captain Fraiicis Champernowne. 

This beautiful region of South Devonshire had been 
celebrated for generations as the cradle and nestling place 
of naval genius. Those renowned navigators, Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert, Sir Francis Drake, Sir John Hawkins, and 
Capt. John Davys, the glory of the English marine in the 
reign of Elizabeth, were born here. The ancestors of Sir 
Walter Ralegh were also of this region ; but he was born 
beyond the river Exe in this shire. The memorable sea 
adventures of these heroic men had awakened all maritime 
England to a sense of the value of commercial intercourse 
with America. Nowhere was this new field of enterprise 
sooner and better appreciated than in Devonshire. Under 
the inspiring genius of these illustrious men Plymouth and 
Dartmouth had grown to be great commercial stations at the 
close of the sixteenth century. In no part of England was 
there a livelier interest felt in geographical discovery and in 
commercial undertakings. To the hazards and rewards of 
foreisrn commerce Gilbert and Ralegh had the merit of first 
joining schemes of English colonization ; and in both these 
enterprises the people of this shire had largely shared. They 
had been with Gilbert on the bleak shores of Newfoundland, 
and with Ralegh in Carolina and Guiana ; with the venerable 
George Popham at the Sagadahoc, and with David Thomson 
at the Pascataqua. A preference for the gains of the Amer- 
ican fisheries and peltry trade limited their intercourse in 
the fore part of the seventeenth century to the maritime 
region of Norumbega, afterwards New England.^ In the 
reign of King James their commerce had expanded into 
settlements and plantations between the Penobscot Bay and 
Cape Cod. In the memorable year of 1607, under fresh 

1 Collectionsof Maine Historical Society, Second Series, i. 231, 283. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 83 

authority from the English Crown, they had undertaken to 
make a settlement at the mouth of the river Sagadahoc, in 
Maine, and to hold a vast domain carved from the conti- 
nent. This memorable undertaking awakened new adven- 
turers in this bold and hardy enterprise ; and it was soon 
followed by further discoveries and settlements on these 
shores.^ 

The year of the birth of Francis Champernowne co- 
incided with a year of memorable occurrences in New 
England. The adventurous and enterprising Capt. John 
Smith, whose memory is worthy of our reverence for what 
he did for New England, sailed early in the spring of the 
year 16 14 for the northern shores of Virginia, — the name 
of the English possessions in America lying on the Atlan- 
tic coast between the thirty-fourth and the forty-fifth degree 
of north latitude, — on a voyage of traffic, fishing, and dis- 
covery. Never was a sea expedition formed of such slender 
materials, and undertaken solely for the purpose of private 
gain, fraught with greater results. The maritime parts 
of this remote and vast country were fully explored, the 
geographical features delineated on a map, and the whole 
described and named. Soon after reaching to the lofty and 
picturesque Isle of Monhegan, the western landfall of Penob- 
scot Bay, Captain Smith designed a survey of the American 
coast, trending away to the southwest. Having set his crew 
to the work of fishing, he took a small boat and only eight 
men and explored every considerable harbor, river, and 
island between Monhegan and Cape Cod.^ At the same 

^ See Popham Memorial Volume, 86 close aboard the shore in a little Boat," 
et sea. (Description of New England.) 

2 Captain Smith says : " I passed 



84 Captain Francis Chanipernoivne. 

time he carried on a fur trade with tlie natives along the 
coast, gathering from them much information of the interior 
of the country and its productions. Among the Indian 
countries which he visited was one bearing the barbaric 
name of Pascataqua, next west of Agamenticus. While in 
this wild region, so well known a few years later, he must 
have recognized, and perhaps explored, the large and name- 
less island lying close to the main land, and fronting several 
miles on the ocean, on the east side of the Pascataqua River, 
and forming the extreme southwest corner of the State of 
Maine. Braveboat Harbor and Champernowne's Creek, 
later names of the two picturesque water passages leading 
to the rear of this island, were inviting streams to his party, 
bent on trade and discovery of the country. On the bosom 
of these quiet waters, parting the island from the main,^ In- 
dian canoes laden with furs and native handiwork rocked 
gently and securely while their savage owners parleyed and 
trafficked with the English adventurers. What pleasure it 
would have been to this enthusiastic and veteran explorer, 
if then he could have had a vision of the future of this 
place ; could have foreseen that a child in Devonshire, then 
unborn, of the kindred of Gilbert and of Ralegh, was des- 
tined to come over the sea to this virgin island, take pos- 
session as proprietor, confer on it his own name, and dwell 
here for nearly half a century! 

At the same time Captain Smith surveyed that group 
of isles lying in the sea, a few leagues distant, bestowing 
on them his own name, over which thirty-five years later 

^ Twice every rlav the sea lovingly arms entirely nround it, as if never in- 
embraces the island, throwing its watery tending the main land to claim it. 



His Alices try mid Kindred. 85 

Francis Champernowne was a civil magistrate. The circum- 
stances that determined his choice of this solitary group of 
rocky isles for his own name and propriet}^ when there were 
so many nameless islands, harbors, rivers, and countries far 
above these in importance and dignity, remain to be discov- 
ered.^ Whatever they may have been, the selection implies 
some pre-eminence in these isles at that period ; and the 
name of their renowned proprietor, so deliberately given 
to them by himself, ought never to have been disturbed. 
Smith's Isles is a more euphonious name than the one they 
now bear, besides the memorable and even romantic histori- 
cal associations which must ever cluster around it. Havins: 
completed his survey of the entire coast, he sailed for Eng- 
land with his treasures of geographical and commercial in- 
formation and a well-laden ship, arriving in the harbor of 
Plymouth at the beginning of autumn. Here he found Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, commander of the castle, whose interest 
in the country just explored amounted to a passion, and com- 
municated to him his discoveries on these shores. Gorges 
and his associates, representing the colony of North Virginia, 
were so much pleased with him, his successful voyage, and 
his report of the barbarous country, that they immediately 
took him into their service and made him Admiral of Vir- 
ginia for life. Anxious to distinguish this country, and to 
secure for it special favor among his countrymen in Eng- 
land, Captain Smith gave it the auspicious name, New 
England, — a name so apt that it immediately supplanted all 

^ By nameless, I mean, wanting admirable Historical Sketch of the Isles 

English names. It is to be observed of Shoals, by John S. Jenness, Esq., 

that Prince Charles and Captain Smith for full historical and descriptive infor- 

gave to other isles on the coast the mation of this very interesting maritime 

names of eminent persons. See the region. 



86 



Captain Francis Champernowne. 



others, barbaric and European, and survives to this day, the 
most venerable and attractive name on our shores.^ New 
Spain and New France^ were names that had long desig- 
nated vast domains in North America claimed by Spain and 
by France ; and now New England designated a considerable 
part of the domain claimed by England under the name of 
Virginia. The applause which greeted Smith's discoveries 
in northern Virginia, now New England, was softly echoed 
by domestic rejoicings over a new-born life in the venerable 
halls of Dartington. 

Thirteen children, six sons and seven daughters, were 
born of the marriage of Arthur Champernowne and Bridget 
Fulford. Francis, the ninth child and youngest son, des- 
tined for the New World, was the first, and, so far as we 
know, was the last of his name and race in America. He 
was baptized in St. Mary's Church at Dartington in the 
month of October, 1614, a year memorable in the annals of 
New England. The church record is now so worn or de- 
faced that the day^ of the month of this event cannot be 
read. His Christian name, and the names of several of his 
brothers and sisters, came of his maternal kindred. 

Of his youth and education nothing is definitely known. 



1 While Captain Smith has the merit 
of first applying the name of New Eng- 
land to this part of North America, it 
appears from his own statement that 
it was suggested to him by New Albion, 
a name given by Sir Francis Drake, 
thirty-five years before, to our western 
coast in the same latitude. See Smith's 
Description of New England, and New- 
England's Trials ; and also his General 
History, ii. \jG et seq. 

2 The idea of transplanting the na- 
tional name to American dominions 



was excellent. It kept up the interest 
of the emigrants. 

8 Tuckett's Pedigrees ; and MS. let- 
ter of Arthur Champernowne, Esq., of 
Dartington, lord of the manor, to Mr. 
Tuttle. [Since the author's death it 
has been stated upon high authority 
that F^rancis Champernowne was bap- 
tized Oct. 18, 1614. (See the Visita- 
tions of the County of Devon, part v. 
163, edited by Lieut. -Col. J. L. VMv- 
ian.) — H.] 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 87 

It may be assumed that he received a mental discipline 
and physical training befitting his rank and station in life. 
His home and his surroundings were calculated to educate 
and to liberalize him without effort. A baronial style of 
living in that age implies the possession of an abundance 
of solid English luxuries, and a hospitality that entertains 
without stint the greatest and most worthy persons in the 
kingdom. In the peaceful reign of James I., Dartington 
House must have been the scene of many festive occa- 
sions, when the kindred and friends of the great house of 
Champernowne made merry together in the ancient halls 
of the princely Dukes of Exeter. 

Being the youngest of six sons, there was only a bare 
possibility of his succeeding to the possession of the fair 
inheritance of Dartington ; and therefore the devotion of his 
manhood to some profession was determined at his birth. 
That his youthful inclinations harmonized with the enter- 
prising genius of his illustrious kinsmen, Sir Humphrey 
Gilbert, Sir Walter Ralegh, and Capt. John Davys,^ and 
that he early selected the sea and its fortunes for his own, 
may be inferred from his career. 

From his birth he must have heard much of the New 
World, its boundless domains, its vast treasures and deep 
mysteries. The famous sea-adventures of Gilbert and Ra- 
legh, of Drake and Davys, which had occurred within the 
memory of generations then living, were still matters of cur- 

^ Captain John Davys of Sandridge, coveries in the arctic seas of America. 

Devon, his great uncle, had made three See Markham's Voyages and Works of 

voyages to discover a northwest pas- Capt. Davys (Hakluyt Soc), London, 

sage to Asia, and had left his name 1880; and Stephen's Die. of National 

forever connected with his great dis- Biography. — H. 



88 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

rent conversation and wonder throughout the reahn. The 
El Dorado of tropical America, that mythical region of silver 
walls and golden towers, was still a subject of interest and 
speculation among all classes of persons. His father was 
the owner of many vessels, some of which were engaged in 
New England commerce ; and it must have been a common 
occurrence for his intelligent sea-captains to visit Darting- 
ton, only ten miles from the haven of Dartmouth. Nothing 
is more probable than that Captain John Smith was a guest 
there when he went over the west of England distributing 
his map and his description of New England, and encour- 
aging persons to adventure in commercial and plantation 
enterprises in this region newly explored by him. He may 
have pointed out and described the great river of Pascata- 
qua and the fair islands therein.-^ 

Besides, there was a near kinsman of our Champernowne, 
Capt. Ralegh Gilbert, a worthy son of the renowned Sir 
Humphrey Gilbert, who had been one of the leaders in the 
great enterprise of procuring royal authority for settling 
plantations in North America, and of sending in 1607 to the 
wilderness of Norumbega the first English colony. Captain 
Gilbert had been president of this colony at the Kennebec 
River, and had been commended by Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
for ability and humanity. He was named a grantee in the 
charter of New England, and of the Council. By the death 
of his elder brother, Sir John Gilbert, the ancestral estates of 
Greenway, on the banks of the Dart, came to him, and there 
he lived during the youth of Francis Champernowne, never 
losing his interest in American colonization. The Sey- 

1 Captain Smith's General History, ist edition, 228. 



His Ajicestry and Kindred. 89 

mours of Berry Castle were also interested in colonization, 
Sir Edward Seymour being named a grantee in the New 
England charter of 1620.^ 

O 

Francis Champernowne was hardly six years of age when 
an event in the Fulford family may have determined his 
future career. The celebrated Sir Ferdinando Gorges, then 
in command of the royal defences of Plymouth, married, for 
his second wife, Mary Fulford, relict of Thomas Achim, of 
Cornwall, and a sister to the mother of Francis Champer- 
nowne.^ This alliance brought nearer together the families 
of Gorges and Champernowne. 

It seems probable that Francis Champernowne was a 
favorite with his maternal kindred; for he inherited a cher- 
ished Christian name, then borne by Sir Francis Fulford, the 
worthy head of that ancient house. His aunt Gorges could 
not fail to bring to the notice of her illustrious husband a 
favorite nephew, one of the kindred of Gilbert and of Ralegh, 
and to commend him to his new uncle. Although she died 
in a few years. Sir Ferdinando to the end of his life contin- 
ued his regard and attacliment for her nephew, styling him, 
even in formal instruments, his " trusty and well-beloved 
nephew Francis Champernowne." This connection, and the 

' Tuckett's Pedigrees, Gilbert: Gor- crick Brown was much interested in Mr. 

ges's Brief Narration, chap. viii. See Tattle's researches, and communicated 

the Virginia and the New England generously to him, as he did to other 

Charters, in Popham Memorial Volume. American correspondents, the results of 

2 My thanks are due to the Rev. his own careful and extended investiga- 
Frederick Brown, M.A., of Fern Bank, tions. His researches into the history 
Beckenham, Co. Kent, England, for this of Somersetshire families especially 
and other valuable information respect- yielded fruit of the most valuable char- 
ing Sir Ferdinando Gorges and his acter. Mr. Brown died after a very 
family, as well as for some interesting brief illness at Fern Bank, Beckenham, 
facts relative to the Champernownes and April i, 1886. See New England His- 
the Fulfords, derived from his own torical and Genealogical Register, July, 
original researches. [The Rev. Fred- 1888. — H.] 



9© Captain Francis Champernowne. 

future relations between them on the great theatre of Amer- 
ican colonization, demand some notice of Sir Ferdinand© 
Gorees, whose life and memorable actions have been 
strangely neglected by historians. 

Various circumstances have combined to obscure the fame 
of this great man, and to exclude his name and character 
from that exalted station among the English worthies of his 
age to which they are justly entitled.^ 

Gorges is the name of one of the old patrician families 
of England, grown in the course of many ages into her in- 
stitutions and history. This name is conspicuous in the 
annals of the west of England, in the days of the greatest 
of the Plantagenet kings. In the reign of Elizabeth many 
branches of it were living in the western shires, all flour- 
ishing and distinguished. In the reign of James I. one 
branch was elevated to the baronetage and afterwards to the 
peerage of England. Knights of various ranks and orders 
there have been in every age.^ 

In his own person Sir Ferdinando Gorges represented the 
his:hest lineaQ:e of Ens^land. He was descended from that 
ancient and knightly family of Gorges which had been 
seated many centuries at Wraxall, near Bristol, in Somerset- 
shire. Sir Ralph de Gorges, the founder of this house, was 
a distinguished warrior, and was intrusted with great and 
responsible charges by his sovereign. He attended in 1277 
Prince Edward, afterwards Edward I., in his memorable 

1 The Prince Society announces two welcomed by historical students every- 

vohmies for its series, containing a where. — H. 

Memoir of Sir Ferdinando Gor<jes, his - Compare CoHinson's History of 

Tract entitled A Brief Narration, 165S, Somersetshire ; Lyson's Devonsliire 

the American Charter granted to him, and Cornwall in Magna Britannia; 

and other papers, to be edited by James Hutchins's History of Dorset; and 

Phinney Baxter, A.M. This will be Hoare's History of Wiltshire. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 91 

campaign to the Holy Land. Sir Edmund Gorges, Kniglit 
of the Bath, a lineal descendant, and successor to the inheri- 
tance of Wraxall, married the Lady Anne Howard, daugh- 
ter of the first Duke of Norfolk, and sister of the renowned 
Earl of Surrey, the hero of Flodden Field, and continued 
his race.^ By this marriage Sir Ferdinando Gorges, a lin- 
eal descendant of Sir Edmund, issued from the illustrious 
ducal families of Mowbray of Howard, and through them 
from Edward I., King of England. The splendor of his 
linear throws a halo of romance around his name, and 
gilds his long and illustrious career, reaching into the reigns 
of three great sovereigns of England, with imperishable 
glory.*^ 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges was born probably at Clerkenwell,^ 
in the year 1565, the year of the birth of his future sove- 
reign, James L He was a younger son of Edward Gorges, 
Esquire, whose father. Sir Edmund, a grandson of Sir Ed- 
mund Gorges and the Lady Anne Howard, inherited the 
manor of Wraxall. Having finished his education, he went 
to the wars in the Low Countries, a favorite resort, in that 
age, of young gentlemen of quality and chivalrous courage. 
While there, on some occasion in the summer of 1588, he 
was taken prisoner with other persons of note by the Span- 

* Compare Collinson's History of fishtins; on the side of Richard III., 

Somersetshire, 156, 157; Hume's Eng- while Sir Edmund, Baron Carew, ances- 

land, chap, xxvii. tor of Francis Champernowne, foutjht 

2 Compare Berry's Hampshire Pedi- in the same battle on the victorious 

grees, part i. 125, 127; Collinson's His- side of the Earl of Richmond, afterwards 

tory of Somersetshire, ii. 293, and iii Henry VII. 

156 et seq., and Collins's Peerage of » His father was residing at Clerk- 
England, i. 62,etseq. It is worthy of enwell when he died, Aug. 29, 1568. 
note that John Howard, first Duke See New Eng. Hist, and Gene. Regis- 
of Norfolk, ancestor of Sir Ferdinando ter, xxix. 44. — H. 
Gorges, was slain at Bosworth Field, 



92 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

iards, and his release was procured by exchange of prisoners.^ 
Three years later he was captain in the English forces 
sent to aid Henry IV. of France in his war against the 
Leaguers. At the attack on Noyon, the birthplace of the 
immortal Calvin, he behaved with great bravery ; and while 
making a heroic effort to enter that town, after taking the 
Abbey, he was badly wounded and taken prisoner. In this 
campaign he displayed both courage and military capacity, 
and his valor was rewarded by the Earl of Essex, command- 
er of the English forces, who knighted him in the presence 
of the army, on the 8th day of October, 1591, before the 
besieged city of Rouen.^ He continued in the armies of 
Elizabeth, serving at home and abroad, often charged with 
special duties of importance, until the autumn of 1595, when 
the Queen rewarded him with the captaincy of the Castle or 
Fort, and also of the Isle of St. Nicholas, at Plymouth in 
Devonshire. This castle, the key to the kingdom and the 
most important in the realm, had recently been constructed, 
probably under his direction.^ The office of captain was 
one of high rank, being directly connected with the supreme 
government of the realm, and intrusted for the most part to 
noblemen of responsibility having intimate and confidential 
relations with the sovereign. This was the occasion of his tak- 
ing up his residence at Plymouth, then the leading commer- 

1 Calendar of State Papers, Do- petitioned the Queen to appoint Sir 
mestic Series, a.d., 1581-1590, 542. Artliur Champernowne, of Modbury, 

2 Camden Miscellany, i. 27, 68, in commander. Sir Artluir was a brave 
Camden Society Publications. and accomplished person, and second 

8 Calendar of State Papers, 1595- cousin to Arthur Champernowne, of 

1597, 99, 194, 196, 362. Jewitt's His- Dartington, father of the subject of this 

tory of Plymouth, Eng., 131. As early memoir. Prince has an account of him 

as 1591, before the castle was finished, in his Worthies of Devon. See also 

the mayor and inhabitants of Plymouth Jewitt's History of Plymouth, 126. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 93 

cial and naval station in the southwest of England, and im- 
mediately connected with enterprises of discovery and trade 
in America. Unquestionably this event had much to do 
with directing his spirited genius to colonization beyond the 
Atlantic ; for it brought him in contact with navigators, 
merchants, and others, whose interests were drawing them 
to enterprises in the New World. That he soon formed 
acquaintance with the Champernownes of Modbury and of 
Dartington, as well as with the Gilberts and the Raleghs, is 
probable. Nor was he without kindred of his own name and 
lineage in his new home ; for his great-uncle, Sir William 
Gorges, a distinguished naval commander, had married 
Winifred, a co-heiress of the ancient house of Budokeside, 
of St. Budeaux, near Plymouth, and there had lived and 
died, leaving several sons — Sir Arthur, Sir Edward, Tris- 
tram, and Robert — to inherit his estate and name. Roger 
Budokeside, father of the wife of Sir William Gorges, had 
married Frances, daughter of Sir Philip Champernowne, 
of Modbury, a sister of Sir Arthur, of Dartington, and of 
Katherine, mother of Sir Humphrey Gilbert and of Sir 
Walter Ralegh ; and so the worthy blood of the Champer- 
nowne race was coursing in the veins of this branch of the 
Gorges family. Upon the death of his second wife, Mary 
Fulford, in 1623, Sir Ferdinando married Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of Tristram Gorges, of St. Budeaux, and resided at Kin- 
terbury, in that parish.^ 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges held command at Plymouth until 
the year 1629, a period of thirty-three years, with honor 
to himself and to his nation.^ In the mean time he was 

^ Tuckett's Pedia;rees, 130; West- ^ Calendar of State Papers, 1628- 
cote, 466 ; Lyson's Devonshire, 88. 1629, 596. 



94 



Captain Francis Champernowne. 



concerned in many transactions of public importance, besides 
his great enterprise of colonization in America. He was one 
of the general officers of the great naval fleet designed to act 
against the Spaniards in the summer of 1597, commanded 
by the Earl of Essex, the vice-admiral being Lord Thomas 
Howard, and Sir Walter Ralegh the rear-admiral.^ The 
Queen appointed Gorges one of the six counsellors to the 
Earl of Essex in this expedition. He sailed with the fleet 
from Plymouth, but was driven back by a dreadful storm, 
and sickness prevented his sailing the second time, when the 
fleet went to the Azores. 

Gorges was concerned in the famous insurrection of the 
Earl of Essex, which cost that nobleman his life, and the 
lives of many others involved with him.^ His sympathies, 
undoubtedly, were with the misguided Earl, with whom he 
had been associated in many campaigns by sea and land, 
and at whose hands he had received knighthood ; but his 
allegiance was due to Elizabeth. His position was a dif- 
ficult one, and his escape from the anger of offended ma- 
jesty, marvellous. He was suspended from his captaincy in 
Plymouth, but was soon pardoned and restored.^ His con- 
duct in this affair was much censured. He wrote an able 



^ Sir Arthur Gorges's Narrative, 
Purchas, iv. 1940 et seq. The name of 
Sir Arthur Gorjjes occurs frequently in 
history. He was cousin overman to the 
father of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, being 
a son of Sir William Gorges, of St. 
Budeaux, and second cousin to Arthur 
Cliampernowne. His first wife was the 
Lady Douglas Howard, daughter of 
Viscount I)inden, and his second, the 
Lady Elizabeth, daughter of Henry, 
second Earl of Lincoln. For several 
generations the family of Gorges and 



the family of Clinton, Earls of Lincoln, 
were connected by intermarriage. Sir 
Arthur married as above. John Gorges, 
son of Sir Ferdinando, married the 
Lady Frances, daughter of Thomas, 
third Earl of Lincoln ; and Theophilus, 
fourth Earl, married Elizabeth, daugh- 
ter of Sir Arthur Gorges by his first 
wife. 

^ Hume's History of England, chap, 
xliv. 

'^ Calendar of State Papers, 1601- 
1603. 



His Ancestry mid Kindred. 95 

defence of it, wherein he displayed ability and excellent 
literary taste, and showed a high order of intellect.^ 

In the opening year of the reign of Charles I. he be- 
came conspicuous by his opposition to the wishes of the 
court party to supply the King of France with English ves- 
sels to aid in reducing the Protestants in Rochelle. On 
this occasion he went to France in his own ship, the Great 
Neptune, and there behaved with great courage and inde- 
pendence, utterly refusing to allow his ship to fight against 
the people of Rochelle.^ 

During the war with Spain and France, which imme- 
diately followed this event, his position in Plymouth was 
one of much responsibility, requiring great and constant 
exertion. Although now more than threescore years of 
age, he was active during the contest, displaying as much 
zeal for the public welfare, and as much ability, as he had 
done thirty years before in the wars of Elizabeth.^ Early in 
1629 he resigned or surrendered his captaincy at Plymouth, 
and retired to Ashton Phillips, in Long Ashton, in his native 
Somersetshire. He now devoted himself to furthering his 
enterprises of colonization in New England. Among other 
thinQ:s he wrote an historical narrative of his own and of his 
associates' efforts in settling English plantations in America, 
which was not published until after his death. This, his 
chief literary performance that has come down to us, shows 
him to have been an accomplished man, a superior writer, 
and thoroughly candid in his statements. He died at Ash- 

1 Folsom's Early Documents relat- 1.175; Calendar of State Papers, 1625- 
ing to Maine, 1 18-137. 1626, dd^ 75, 80 et seq. 

2 Hume's History of England, chap. ^ See Gorges's official correspond- 
1. ; Rushworth's Historical Collections, ence during this war, in the State Paper 

Office in London. 



g6 Captain Francis CJiampcrnow7ie. 

ton Phillips, at the venerable age of eighty-two years, and 
was buried on the 14th day of May, 1647.^ 

At the age of twenty-five he married Ann, daughter of 
Edward Bell, of the county of Essex, and by her had four 
children, two sons and two daughters. John Gorges, the 
eldest son, married the Lady Frances, daughter of the third 
Earl of Lincoln, and had children, among whom was Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, Esquire, who succeeded his grandfather as 
lord proprietor of the province of Maine in New England. 
The second son. Captain Robert Gorges, was appointed by 
the Council for New England governor of its dominions in 
America, and came hither in 1623. The two daughters died 
young. Sir Ferdinando married thrice after the death of 
his first wife in 1620, but had no other issue.^ 

Gorges had lived to witness and be an actor in many 
great events in his time, but none more memorable than 
that of English colonization in America, mainly effected 
through his own agency. He had lived to see a vast region 
in the New World inhabited by wandering savages and 
claimed by Spain and France, annexed to the English em- 

* Gore;es's Brief Narration in second Thomis Fulford by Ursula Bampfylde. 
volume of Maine Historical Collections : and widow of Thomas Achim, of Hall, 
Hutcliins's History and Antiquities of in Cornwall; she died 1623. He mar- 
Dorset, iii. 33 tV jvy. ricd, third, Elizabeth Gorges, dau<:;h- 
'^ Sir Ferdinando Goro^es married, ter of Tristram Gorges, of Budockshed, 
first, at St. Margaret's, Westminster, Devon; she had married, first, Aug. i, 
Feb. 24. 1589-90. Ann, daughter of 1614, at St. Budeaux, Edward Court- 
Edward Bell, of VVrittie, County of Es- enay, and on his death, married 

sex; she died Aug. 6, 1620, and was Blithe; she died 1629. He married, 

buried in St. Sepulchre's, London. By fourth, at Wraxall, Sept. 23, 1629, 

her he had four cliildren, viz. : i. John, Elizabeth, daughter of Sir Thomas 

born April 23, 1593; 2. Robert; 3. Gorges, and widow of Sir Hugh Smyth, 

Ellen ; 4. Honora. The last two chil- of Ashton Court, County of Somerset ; 

dren probably died young He married, she died 1659. (Letter of the Rev. Mr. 

second, Mary Fulford, daughter of Sir Brown, of England, to Mr. TutUe.) 



His Ancestry and Kindred. ()"] 

pire, and settled with men of his own race and nation. 
From the wilds of Norumbega he had carved a province 
for himself, and sent there his kindred and his countrymen 
to colonize it. On the banks of the beautiful river of Aga- 
menticus, the city of Gorgeana, the capital of his province, 
was rising to perpetuate his name and memory when he 
passed from the scene of his earthly activity. 

The latter years of his life were clouded by the domestic 
dissensions in England, which brought him trouble and per- 
sonal suffering. The venerable old knight, " sorrowing in 
the highest degree to find such a separation threatening," 
beheld with grief his kindred and friends falling around him, 
and venerable institutions, civil and ecclesiastical, menaced 
with destruction.^ The fate of his beloved province in 
New England, the fruit of more than forty years' labor, was 
involved in this mighty civil war raging around him. His 
kinsmen and his colonists were coming from thence and join- 
ing: in the awful conflict ; and while the issue of this dire in- 
ternecine struggle was still uncertain, the grave closed over 
this ereat man. The events which followed obscured his 
memory and wasted his fortune ; and for more than two 
centuries his merits and his misfortunes excited but little 
public interest.''^ 

But the fame of Sir Ferdinando Gorges belongs to both 
worlds. England owes to his memory the applause due to 
a noble spirit thoroughly devoted to her interests and her 
glory ; and New England, the reverence and homage due to 

1 Gorges to Lord Fairfax in Bell's ing to Maine, 22 ; Brief Narration, 
Memorials of the Civil War, i. 299; book ii. chap. 3. George Folsom and 
Josselyn's Two Voyages, 197. John A. Poor have in our time ably 

2 Folsom's Early Documents relat- vindicated the merits of Gorges. 

13 



98 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

the founder of English empire in America. Without the 
action of this enterprising man at an exigent moment, it is 
doubtful whether England would ever have come peaceably 
into the possession of a single acre of American territory. 
The great commercial nations, Spain, France, and Holland, 
were intent on seizing and holding America to their own 
use. The memorable attempts of Gilbert and of Ralegh to 
plant English colonies in America in the time of Elizabeth 
languished and came to an end with her reign. When 
James I. ascended the throne of England, there was not 
an English settlement or habitation between the Straits of 
Magellan and the arctic snows. Virginia was then the 
romantic name of a wild region, with shadowy boundaries, 
hanging on the skirts of foreign dominions. English pos- 
session, if not title, had departed from it many years before. 
Spain and France held the entire continent of North Amer- 
ica, under the grand names of New Spain and New France, 
claiming title in virtue of prior discovery and occupancy. 
While these great kingdoms were diverse in their political 
interests, they were one in religion ; and both interests 
favored immediate colonization in their respective Ameri- 
can provinces. The empire of the Latin race and religion 
was extending everywhere outside the limits of Europe, 
while the English race and the reformed religion remained 
shut up in the British Isles. Had the Tudor Princes been 
worthy of their enterprising and chivalrous subjects, espe- 
cially such as dwelt in the western maritime shires, Eng- 
land would not only have been the first to lead the way to 
America, but the actual possessor of it long before this 
epoch. 



His Ancestry and Kindred. 99 

Such was the aspect of colonization in the New World, 
and such the condition of England when Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges, moved by a noble desire to enlarge the English em- 
pire and to extend his race and religion, formed his great 
design of planting colonies in North America. As the 
origins of mighty rivers are obscure, so are the beginnings 
of mighty enterprises : the current is passing before our eyes 
ere we suspect its existence. 

Time has concealed the first steps of Gorges in this great 
enterprise of colonization ; but they clearly lie among the 
first years of his residence at Plymouth. His public employ- 
ments there brouo^ht him much in contact with Sir Walter 
Ralegh, whose memorable efforts to plant colonies in Amer- 
ica must have been well known to Gorges. Ralegh was still 
looking to the New World for the aggrandizement of Eng- 
land, although his own enterprises to this end had not been 
successful ; and it is not improbable that he may have im- 
parted a portion of his spirit to Gorges. At all events, in a 
few years Ralegh became disabled by his imprisonment in 
the Tower from further prosecuting his designs, and Gorges 
appears his successor on the scene. 

Of all maritime towns in the kingdom, Plymouth was the 
fittest to awaken and nourish a spirit of foreign adventure. 
This ancient haven had been the theatre of preparation of 
those memorable fleets of discovery and colonization which 
had made its name as widely known as the name of the 
metropolis of England. Only eighteen years before. Sir 
Francis Drake had sailed from this port with a fleet which 
circumnavigated the globe, — a feat regarded with wonder in 
that age. Soon after Drake's return Sir Humphrey Gilbert 



loo Captain Francis Chanipernowne. 

sailed with a commission from Elizabeth to take possession 
of such barbarous parts of the New World as were not in 
the possession of any Christian prince or people. The 
several fleets of Sir Walter Ralegh had fitted here with all 
the appliances of colonization, and sailed in the track of Gil- 
bert, marking the " course of empire " to America. The in- 
terest in colonization which these great enterprises awakened 
in Plymouth had not subsided when Gorges assumed com- 
mand of its royal defences. 



II. 



HIS LIFE IN NEW ENGLAND. 



On the 12th of December, 1636, Arthur Champernowne, 
father of Francis, became interested in New England. Sir 
Fcrdinando Gorges, the proprietor of New Somersetshire in 
New England, granted^ to him two large tracts of land 
lying on the sea-coast, on the east side of the Pascataqua 
River.'* One of these, comprising " five hundred acres more 

cataqunck, Pischataquacke, Pischata- 
way, riscataway, Piscataqua, etc. Tlie 
last tbrm means notliiiit:;, while Pascat- 
aqua is sufficiently accurate to represent 
and preserve the meaning which the 
aborioines intended to convey by the 
word ; namely, " a divided tidal-place " 
If it be borne in mind that both by the 
aborigines and the carlv settlers tlie 
word was applied to the territory on both 
sides of the stream as well as to the river 
itself, and that the latter near its mouth 
is split into two streams by the rocky 
island New Castle, the signilicance and 



^ See York Deeds, bk. iii. fols. 97, 
98 ; also for the same grant under date 
of June 1.4, 1638. see fols. 98, 99. 

- For more tlian a century and a 
half the name of the river which divides 
the extreme southern portion of Maine 
from New Hampshire has been com- 
monly written Piscataqua. The name 
is of Indian origin, and according to 
Capt. John Smith (Descrijition of New 
England, 1616) was Passataquack. In 
the 17th century, and in the early part 
of the 1 8th, the name was variously 
spelled: P.iscataqua, Pascataway, Pas- 



His Life in New England. 



lOI 



or less," extending northeasterly to Braveboat Harbor/ 
and entirely surrounded by salt water, was to be called 
Dartington,'^ doubtless in honor of his native parish in 
Devonshire. The other tract, containing about five hundred 
acres of marsh land, was situate on the northeast side of 
Braveboat Harbor. This was to be called Godmorock.^ 



appropriateness of the name will be 
apparent. It is desirable that the 
meaningless corruption ^ Piscataqua — 
be eliminated from ourgeoj^raphical no- 
menclature. (See Mr. Tuttle's Com. in 
Proc. Mass.Hist.Soc, Nov 1S78.)— H. 

1 No satisfactory explanation of this 
name has been given. — H. 

2 This tract of land, lying in the 
town of Kittery, in Maine, was, so far 
as we can learn, never called Darting- 
ton, but during the lifetime of Captain 
Ciiampernowne, and for some years 
subsequently, was styled Champer^ 
nowne's Island. A portion of it was 
called Elliot's Island in 1721. For 
a long lime the island has been pop- 
ularly supposed to be two islands, 
and the two parts have respectively 
borne, as they now do, the names of the 
families which for many generations 
owned and occupied them ; namely, 
Cutts and Gerrish ; but it is in fact one 
island, the two parts being joined to- 
gether by a solid isthmus over which 
the sea never Hows. Cutts Island con- 
tains about 350 acres. In the year 1700, 
this tract, with 500 acres on Raynes's 
Neck, was conveyed to Richard Cutt 
by deed from Mrs. Mary Champer- 
nowne, widow of Francis, and her 
daughter Elizabeth Witherick, both then 
being residents of South Carolina. Since 
that date the larger portion of the tract 
continued in the possession and occu- 
pancy of descendants of Richard Cutt 
for six generations. The larger part 
of the tract is now owned by Mr. 
John Thaxter (a son of Mrs. Celia 
Thaxter, the well-known writer), who 



has erected a dwelling-house on the 
traditional site of Captain Champer- 
nowne's " upper house." He has hap- 
pily named his land Champernowne's 
Farm. Champernowne's " lower house " 
was situated on the main land and near 
the moulh of Chauncey Creek. It was 
standing down to a time within the mem- 
ory of men still living, and was then 
known as the house of Col. Paul Lewis. 
That part of the island which bears 
the name of Gerrish comprises about 
1000 acres. Robert Elliot bought this 
land of Mrs. Champcrnowne, and pre- 
sented it to his daughter Sarah, on iier 
marriage with Col. Timothy Gerrish, 
and it has continued in tiie possession 
and occupancy of their descendants un- 
til recently. It is gratifying to learn 
that Mr. William H. Goodwin, of Bos- 
ton, who owns a portion of " Gerrish " 
island, has bestowed upon it the name 
Dartington, given to the whole island 
by Gorges. — H. 

8 Godmorock is presumably the orig- 
inal or an early form of Gomerock. 
" On the eastern side or .shore of the 
entrance to Dartmouth Harbor [Eng.] is 
Gomerock, formerly Gomerock Castle, 
where one end of the chain stretched 
nightly across the harbour's mouth for 
protection (to maintain which chain, 
privileges were granted to Dartmouth 
by royal charter) was secured ; the other 
end being connected with a windlass in 
the Round Tower of Dartmouth Castle, 
on the opposite shore." (MS. Letter 
of Mr. T. Lidstone, of Dartmouth, 
Eng.)-H. 



102 Captain Francis C hamper jwwne. 

Whether it was the design of Arthur Champernowne to 
come hither and improve this grant does not appear; but 
his sixth and youngest son, Francis, came in the year 1637, 
partly or wholly in the interest of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
and lived for many years, and died on the premises granted 
to his father. He seems to have had a fondness for mari- 
time life and adventure, and to have held at one time some 
position in the royal navy. The title Captain was given 
to him in all official and private documents from his first 
coming here. It is probable that he came^ to Boston in 
company with the young Lord Ley, afterwards third Earl 
of Marlborough, with whom he subsequently sailed as com- 
mander at sea. It was at this time that Gorges sent out a 
commission to Winthrop and others for the government 
of his Province of New Somersetshire. Two months later 
he writes of his nephew Champernowne as being in New 
England.^ 

As early as March, 1639, Captain Champernowne was 
regarded as one of the leading inhabitants in the Pascataqua 
plantations ; for he was one of the persons there to whom 
the General Court of the Massachusetts Bay addressed 
letters relative to Capt. John UnderhilP and others in that 
reo-ion, who were denying and resisting the authority in 
civil and religious affairs which the Bay Colony was then 
claiming the riorht to exercise over the settlers within the 
territory granted to Capt. John Mason.^ 

While his father, as we have seen, was the proprietor of a 

1 In June, 1637. ^ Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp- 

2 MS. Letter of Arthur Champer- shire, Farmer's ecL, 17-28; Palfrey, i. 
nowne, Esq, of Dartington, to Mr. 459- 487, 59^ ! ii- 359- 378. 

Tuttle; Winthrop'sHist.,i.*23i; Maine •» Mass. Rec, i. 254. 

Hist. Coll., i. 544- — H. 



His Life in New England. 



103 



large tract of land on the east side of the mouth of the 
Pascataqua, which Francis probably was authorized to look 
after, he selected for his principal residence at this time ^ a 
tract of land lying in a picturesque region on the southerly 
side of the Great Bay and east of Winnicut River, within 
the present town of Greenland, then a part of Strawberry 
Bank, now Portsmouth, in New Hampshire.^ This farm, com- 
prising about four hundred acres, he purchased of Robert 
Saltonstall and others, owners of a portion of the " Squam- 
scott Patent," so called.^ This estate he immediately im- 



^ It is not improbable that Cbam- 
pernowne was also interested in behalf 
of the heirs of Capt. John Mason, and 
for this and other reasons settled upon 
land which was included in Mason's 
grant. When the owners of the so-called 
" Squamscott Patent " asserted their 
title he purchased of them this land in 
Greenland. — H. 

2 Portsmouth was incorporated May 
28, 1653, by the General Court of Mas- 
sachusetts Bay, which at that time 
exercised civil authority over the settled 
portions of New Hampshire. The first 
considerable settlement in New Hamp- 
shire was made on Great Island, lying 
between the two mouths of the Pascat- 
aqua, and there for the next seventy- 
five years was the seat of the govern- 
ment of the Province. A fort was 
erected at an early day, and was popu- 
larly named the Castle. In 1693 Great 
Island was set off from Portsmouth, 
and incorporated as a town by the 
name of New Castle. The fort or 
castle had been enlarged and newly 
equipped the year preceding the in- 
corporation of the town, and this fact, 
it is believed, sujjgested the name of 
the new town. There certainly is no 
ground for supposing, with some writers, 
that the name was conferred in honor of 
the Duke of Newcastle, or suggested by 
the English city Newcastle. The name 



is properly written in two words, as 
above. See Albee's New Castle. — H. 
3 On the 1 2th of March, 1629(0.8.), 
the Council for the Affairs of New Eng- 
land in America granted to Edward 
Hilton, a planter at Dover in New 
Hampshire, and his associates, a con- 
siderable tract of land on the Pascata- 
qua River. In 1632 the grantees sold 
their patent, and the purchasers, through 
their resident agent or agents, proceeded 
to lay out and bound their patent. They 
located the greater part of it on the 
southerly side of the Pascataqua River 
and the Great Bay. This portion of the 
Hilton patent came to be known in 
popular language as the " Squamscott 
Patent." The present town of Green- 
land and other towns were claimed as a 
part of this grant. This patent, or the 
claims set up under it, became the 
source of much controversy and hti- 
gation, and the true construction of the 
patent, its location and extent, have 
long" been a matter of discussion. The 
original of the Hilton patent has un- 
doubtedly perished, but a copy, or what 
purports to be one, made by a careless 
or illiterate copyist, was discovered a 
few years ago by the Hon. Charles H. 
Bell, among the court papers at Exeter, 
N. H., and a transcript of the same 
was printed in the New England His- 
torical and Genealogical Register for 



I04 Captain Francis Chavipeniowne. 



proved b}' building a dwelling-house and other structures 
thereon. The farm was then usually called Greenland/ 



July, 1870. (See Belknap's History of 
New Hampshire, Farmer's Ed., 9 ; Pro- 
vincial Papers of New Hamp., i. 211, 
221, 223 ; Mass. Rec. iii. 4017-412.) For 
an elaborate and interestinij discussion 
of the Hilton Patent, see Notes on the 
First Planting; of New Hampshire and 
on the Piscataqua Patents, b}' John S. 
Jenness, Portsmouth, 1S7S. Mr. Jen- 
ness's contention is. that the Hilton 
Patent was fraudulently construed by 
the purchasers to include territory south 
of the Pascataqua River and the Great 
Bay, and that the authorities of Massa- 
chusetts Bay connived at and profited 
by this construction. But this charge 
ai:,ainst Massachusetts, in the form 
made, does not appear to the editor to 
be warranted by anv facts known to him. 

The late Hon. Samuel D. Bell. Chief 
Justice of New Hampshire, one of the 
most learned and critical students of the 
history of that State, was of the opinion 
that the Hilton Patent was not intended 
to cover any territory south of the River 
Pascataqua. (Prov. Papers of New 
Hamp, i. 29.) It is not certain, how- 
ever, that Judge Bell had seen the full 
text of the HiUon Patent. 

The subject is too large for full dis- 
cussion in a foot-note ; but this in brief 
may be remarked: If it be objected 
that this grant to Hilton and his asso- 
ciates conflicted with existing grants 
from the same grantors, the reply would 
be that similarly conflicting grants were 
made of territory in Massachusetts and 
in Maine. What were the motives and 
considerations that induced Warwick, 
President of the Council, to issue these 
grants, perhaps in some cases without 
the consent or even knowledge of his 
associates, can only be conjectured. A 
clause in the grant reads as follows : 
" All that part of the River Pascata- 
quack called or known by the name of 
Wecanacohunt or Hilton's Point, with 
the south side of the said River up to 



the Fall of the River, and three miles 
into the main land with all the breadth 
thereof." Mr. Jenness contended that 
the boundary line ran up "■ the southerly 
side of that river to the lower or Ouam- 
pegan Falls [not the Squamscott Falls 
in Exeter, — Ed.], a distance of some 
seven or eight miles, and reached back 
into the interior country three miles 
along the entire river frontage ; " and 
that the " name riscataqiia " was never 
" applied by the English or the Indians 
to the Exeter River, on which the 
Squamscott Falls are situated." But 
the fact whether or not the Pascataqua 
River was understood at the time to ex- 
tend to Ouampegan Falls, and not to 
include Exeter River, — which empties 
into the Bay at its extreme southwest- 
ern limit, — is the point on which the 
controversy mainly turns. This ques- 
tion needs to be more thorouglilv in- 
vestigated. The strangest fact in this 
matter is, that some twenty months 
later than the date of the grant to Hil- 
ton and his associates, the same grant- 
ors (the Grand Council for the affairs of 
New England) conveyed to Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, Capt. John Mason, and 
others, territory on both sides of the 
Pascataqua, and including the larger 
part of the land embraced in the 
" Squamscott Patent," and there are no 
words of reservation in the later grant. 
This fact, it has been urged, is quite con- 
clusive as to the location intended in the 
Hilton Patent. For the Grant and Con- 
firmation of Pescataw.ay, see Tuttle's 
Captain John Mason, Prince Soc, 19S- 
204 ; also Jenness's Notes on the First 
Planting of New Hampshire. S2-84. 
For a remarkable chapter of the history 
of conflicting territorial grants in Mas- 
sachusetts, see the paper on the Patent 
of Mariana, by the Hon. Charles Levi 
Woodbury, in Tuttle's Mason, cited 
above, 45-52. — H. 

* Greenland as the name of a hamlet 



9 ^ 

I ^ 



CO 

S 

c 




His Life in New England. 105 

and this name was communicated to a portion of the town 
in which it lay. 

On the 3d of April, 1639, Sir Ferdinando Gorges received 
from King Charles a patent of the territory lying between 
the Pascataqua and the Kennebec rivers, with full powers 
of government, being himself made lord palatine over the 
same.^ For some reason not apparent, the old name, 
Province of Maine, bestowed on this territory in the grant 
of the same in 1622 to Gorges and Mason by the President 
and Council for New England, was restored, and the name 
New Somersetshire disappeared. By this change New 
Hampshire was thereafter the only English province in 
America named for an English county. 

In September of the same year (1639) Gorges issued a 
commission for the government of his province, appointing 
Sir Thomas Josselyn^ Deputy Governor, who declined the 

or of a parish is not unknown in England. ^ The charter of 1639 from the King 
There was anciently a cove or dock in was a confirmation of the grant by the 
the harbor of Dartmouth called "Green- Council for New England in 1635. ^t 
land Dock." The name must have been has been said that never before nor 
familiar to Champernowne from his boy- since were so ample powers of govern- 
hood days, and he it was undoubtedly ment granted to a British subject. A 
who bestowed the name on his farm at comparison of the terms of this charter 
the Great Bay. The name appears for with the other charters of that period 
the first time on the records of Ports- confirms the statement. For the char- 
mouth under the date of July 10, 1655, ter, see Hazard's Collections, i. 443- 
and it came at length to be applied to 445 ; Sullivan's History of District of 
the western part of Portsmouth; and Maine, 397-408. See also William- 
when that part was erected into a town- son's History of Maine, i. ch. vi., and 
ship it retained, as it still retains, the Palfrey's History of New England, i. 
name bestowed by Champernowne. It 524. — H. 

has been repeatedly stated in print that ^ Until the publication of Folsom's 
Greenland was incorporated as a town Collection of Original Documents re- 
in 1703. This is an error. It was set lating to the Early History of Maine, in 
off as a separate parish in 1706, but 1858, it had been the understanding 
the rights and privileges of a distinct that Sir Thomas Josselyn never visited 
township were not granted till 1732. New England. Under date of Sept. 
See Town Papers of New Hampshire, 3, 1639, and attached to a copy of the 
ix. 320-328; xii 64. — H. commission and ordinances sent by 

14 



io6 Captain Francis C hamper nowne. 

office, and afterwards his cousin Thomas Gorges,^ and 
several well-known residents in the Province, Councillors, 



Gorges to his Province in Maine, is the 
following memorandum : " Whereas, 
Sir Thomas Josselyn, Kt. was named 
chief in the said Commission and Ordi- 
nances, and he being now returned to 
England, . . . Thomas Gorges is put 
in his room with the same powers," etc. 
This raised tlie presumption that Sir 
Thomas did visit New England. The 
publication of the Trelawny Papers by 
the Historical Society of Maine in 1884, 
clearly showed that he came in 1638, 
with his son John Josselyn, the au- 
thor of An Account of Two Voyages to 
New England, and of other well-known 
works. See the valuable communica- 
tion respecting Henry Jocelyn and the 
Josselyn Familj', by Mr. William M. 
Sargent, in the New Eng. Hist, and 
Gene. Reg., xl. 290-294 ; Dr. Charles 
E. Banks' memoir of Edward Godfrey 
(1887), 16, 17, note ; and note 2 postea, 
p. 112. — H. 

^ Thomas Gorges was the eldest son 
of Henry Gorges, of Battcombe Manor, 
near Cheddar, Somersetshire, by Bar- 
bara Baynard, his wife, which Henry 
Gorges was grandson of Sir William 
Gorges, Kt., Admiral. He was born 
about 161 8. He went to Maine in 1640, 
and was the first mayor of York. Gov- 
ernor Winthrop speaks of him as "a 
young Gentleman of the Inns of Court 
. . . sober and well disposed." He re- 
turned to England in 1643. He and his 
brother John Gorges were elected mem- 
bers of Parliament for the borough of 
Taunton, Somerset, in 1654, and he was 
again elected for Taunton in 1655, along 
with Robert Blake, the celebrated Gen- 
eral and Admiral of the Parliament. 
They are mentioned in Thurlow's State 
Papers, v. 302. In Harl. Miscellany, 
iii. 430, is " a Narration of the late Par- 
liaments," 1657, andalistof" those ser- 
ving for England, sitting in the House, 



that have civil employments and salaries 
from the State ; " among these is Col. 
Thomas Gorges, " one of the Commis- 
sioners for the New Building : " " His 
advantage thereby cannot well be 
known till he and his Brethren have 
racked the Consciences, flayed off the 
skins, and broken the bones of the poor 
people, making them swear ag'^' them- 
selves." He is mentioned among those 
who spoke in the House of Commons, 
in the Diary of Thos. Burton, 1656- 
1659, published 182S. There are letters 
of his to his brother Dr. Robert Gorges, 
secretary to H. Cromwell, Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, in the Lansdowne 
MSS., British Museum, Feb. 15 and 
March i, 1658. In 1659 ^^ '^"^ his 
brother John Gorges were feoffees of 
the town lands of Taunton. In 1658 
and 1660 he was M.P. for Taunton ; he 
had two wives. 

Thomas Gorges married, first, Mary 
Sanford, daughter of Martin Sanford, 
Esq., of Nynehead Court, Somerset- 
shire, near Wellington. This marriage 
took place before 1649. She was buried 
at Nynehead. 

He married, secondly, Rose Alex- 
ander, daughter of Sir Jerome Alex- 
ander, Kt., and widow of Rawlin 
Mallach, Esq., of Cockington, Devon, 
Heavitree, near Exeter, register of mar- 
riages : " 1656, March 23. Mr. Thomas 
Gorge and Mrs. Rosse Mallach were 
married." She died a few months after 
her husband, and is buried at Heavitree. 

An old gravestone in Heavitree 
Church records that " Here lyeth the 
Bodyes of Thomas Gorges of Heavitree, 
Esq"^*-' and Rose his wife. He departed 
this life Oct. 17, 1670, and shee April 14, 
1671. 

'The loving Turtell having mist her mate 
Beg'd shee might enter, ere they shut the 
gate. 



His Life in New England. 



107 



one of whom was his nephew Francis Champernowne. 
Thomas Gorges came over in the summer of 1640, and a 



Their dust here lies, whose soules to 
Heaven are gonne, 

And wait till angels rowle away the 
Stone.' " 

Sir Jerome Alexander, in his will 
March 23, 1670, mentions " his daughter 
Rose Gorges," and her children Rawlin 
and Ann Mallach, and Alexander and 
Elisab. Gorges. 

The will of Thomas Gorges of Heavi- 
tree is dated Sept. 25, 1669, proved 
April I, 1671, by Rose Gorges his 
widow. He speaks of his brother Capt. 
Ferdinando Gorges, of London. He 
bequeaths various estates to his eldest 
son Thomas Gorges, then under 24, and 
" one great silver Tankard with the 
Whirlpoole ingraven on it, being the 
ancient coate of my family." He be- 
queaths money to be raised from various 
estates "to bind my son Ferdinando an 
apprentice, and for the carrying on of 
the Trade to which he shall be bound." 
"To my son Henry, whose hitherto un- 
guided temper hath carried him to Bar- 
badoes, where he is at present," ^200 
and a tenement in Hemyoch, Devon. 
Also " to my son Thomas Gorges — 
whereas I have a good and indefeasible 
estate of Inheritance in 5000 acres of 
Land lying on the River Ogarhogg, 
otherwise Ogungigg, in the Province of 
Maine in New England, granted unto 
me for consideration in my Deed there- 
of, bearing date Aug. 4, 1641, under the 
seal of the Province, therein expressed 
by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the Lord 
Provincial of the said Province of 
Maine according to the power and right 
he had then to the said Province and 
every part thereof, which said Deed of 
Feoffment being now in my custody, 
one also then enrolled amongst the 
Records of the said Province, and of 
which 5000 Acres I took peacable and 
quiet possession Aug. 18, 1642, all which 
lands and cattle thereon I give unto 



my son Thomas Gorges." "To my 
son Ferdinando Gorges a two handled 
cup of Silver with the Covering, having 
on it the arms of Gorges and Sanford. 
To my daughter Susannah, now the 
wife of Rawlin Mallach of Cockington, 
Devon, ^700 and plate and various 
books. To my two Children Alexander 
and Elisabeth Gorges my Manors of 
river Trewynt and Nether Trewynt in 
the Parish of Poundstock, Cornwall." 

On June 2, 1676, another Commission 
to administer other goods of Thomas 
Gorges was issued to Ferdinando Gor- 
ges, son of the deceased Thomas Gorges, 
Rose Gorges, his widow, having died. 

The eldest son of Thomas Gorges of 
Heavitree was Thomas Gorges, born 
about 165 1 , as his name appears amongst 
the Oxford graduates as son of Thomas 
Gorges, Esq., of Heavitree, Devon; 
entered Wadham College, Oxford, in 
1668, aged about 17. The second son 
was Ferdinando Gorges, whom his fa- 
ther wished to be bound apprentice in 
trade. He had property bequeathed to 
him " in St. Audrey's, Somerset, given 
him by his God Father John Tynte, 
his Father's kinsman." The third son 
was Henry Gorges, a scapegrace, living 
in Barbados in 1668. His eldest daugh- 
ter was Susanna, born 1649. Marriage 
allegations, Vicar-General's Office, May 
25, 1669 : " Rawlin Mallach of Heavi- 
tree, Devon, Esq., Bachelor, aged 21, 
and Susan Gorges of the same place, 
Spinster, aged 20." Rawlin Mallach 
was probably the son of her stepmother. 
Rose Mallach, alias Alexander. She 
died April 17, 1673, and was buried at 
Heavitree, April 20, and is described as 
" daughter of Thomas Gorges of Batt- 
combe, Somerset. Esq." Rose Mallach 
had also a daughter Ann, wlio married 
Martin Greenwood. Tlie children of 
Thomas Gorges and Rose Mallach were: 
I. Alexander Gorges, born July 29, 1660, 



io8 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

government was organized. The records do not show that 
Champernowne was present at any of the meetings of the 
Governor and Council while this government subsisted. 

In the absence of a general government of New Hamp- 
shire at this period, the inhabitants of the several plantations 
were compelled to enter into combinations for the preserva- 
tion of order and the protection of personal rights. A new 
combination of residents on the upper part of the Pascata- 
quawas formed October 22, 1640. Captain Champernowne 
was one of the forty-two signers of this compact.^ 

Edward Saunders was his agent, and in 1644 rented the 
whole or a part of the Greenland farm for a term of years. 
In the mean time the Colony of Massachusetts Bay had 
extended its jurisdiction over the settled parts of New 
Hampshire. Champernowne was undoubtedly displeased 
with this proceeding ; for, being a Churchman and a stanch 
royalist, he had no sympathy with the Bay colonists in 
either political or religious matters. In a manuscript 
record made before 1680, describing with considerable 
minuteness the leading residents on both sides of the 
Pascataqua River, I find Captain Champernowne set down 
as " a man always for the King, and was a commander at 
sea under the Lord of Marlborough many years ago." 

I find no record of him as being in New England later 
than November, 1641, and before 1648. It is therefore 
probable that he returned into England on the breaking 
out of the civil war, and accepted a command in the King's 
fleet under the Earl of Marlborough. This fleet, in the 

and baptized at Heavitree ; 2. Elisabeth tree, June 14, 1667. (Com. to Mr. 

Gor<;es, born April 14, 1662, and bap- Tuttle by the late Rev. Frederick 

tized at Heavitree ; 3. Edward Gorges, Brown.) 
born May 15. 1666, and buried at Heavi- ^ See AppendiX; No. i. 



His Life in New England. 109 

years 1644 and 1645, hovered about the Madeira Islands, 
and annoyed the shipping of the Massachusetts Bay, known 
to be engaged on the side of ParHament. When the King's 
cause had become desperate and ParHament everywhere 
supreme, Champernowne returned to his Pascataqua plan- 
tations, and began or resumed commercial undertakings. 

In December, 1648, he appears again in the public rec- 
ords, making a conveyance in his own right of one half of 
all the land in Maine granted to his father by Gorges. This 
conveyance was to Capt. Paul White, a Pemaquid trader, in 
consideration of ^200 sterling. It does not appear how the 
title to this land vested in Captain Champernowne, but prob- 
ably it was by gift, from his father. The island which was 
formally named Dartington in the grant by Gorges twelve 
years before was called Champernowne's Island in the con- 
veyance to White, — a name which attached to it until the 
reign of Queen Anne. Houses and other buildings had al- 
ready been erected on the island, as well as on the tract be- 
yond Braveboat Harbor. In this deed Champernowne agreed 
to place fifteen swine on the island, and to divide the same and 
the increase with White. The result of this transaction was 
a lawsuit, and the return of the premises to the grantor. 

As early as the year 1650 Captain Champernowne went 
to Barbados, and was absent until the spring of 1654, 
leaving his affairs in the charge of Thomas Withers of 
Kittery,^ one of the principal men in Gorges' province. In 

^ Kittery lies partly on the sea-coast known at the time of the first settle- 

of Maine, and has the Pascataqua River ment. in 1623, as a portion of the region 

for its southern boundary. It origi- lying partly in New Hampshire and 

nally comprised, besides its present partly in Maine, called the Plantation 

territory, that of the following towns ; of Pascataqua. It is one of the most 

namely, Eliot, Berwick, South Berwick, picturesque, and in summer one of the 

and North Berwick, all of which was mostattractive, portions of Maine, whose 



no Captain Francis Champernowne. 



November, 1650,^ Withers leased Champernowne's farm on 
the Great Bay in New Hampshire to Samuel Haines,^ for 
ninety pounds, for the term of two years. In a division of 
public lands of Portsmouth made in 1653, Champernowne's 
share was fifty acres, being the largest number of acres that 
fell to any one inhabitant. 

In 1655 the town made to him a further grant of three 
hundred and seventy-five acres of " marsh, meadow, and up- 
land." This grant was laid out in the same year, and was 
referred to in conveyances of land in Greenland for more 
than half a century as Champernowne's " new farm."^ While 



entire coast line is wonderfully indented 
witli bays and coves, while the numer- 
ous islands lying near the mainland add 
greatly to the beauty of the scenery. _ A 
portion of Kittery is rocky and sterile, 
but other portions are under a fair de- 
gree of cultivation ; and the town is now, 
as it has been from the first, inhabited 
by an intelligent, industrious, orderly, 
and remarkably homogeneous popula- 
tion. The name was probably given to 
it by Champernowne, or by Alexander 
Shapleigh. " Kittery Court is situated 
on the eastern shore of the river Dart, 
immediately southward of the ancient 
village of Kingsweare (which faces the 
town of Dartmouth), and, owing to a 
turn in the river there, it (Kittery) faces 
the narrow mouth of the Dart, the en- 
trance to Dartmouth harlior from the 
English Cliannel. . . . The bend of the 
river at Kittery Court forms a point 
called Kittery Point " [a name applied 
also to a part of Kittery, in Maine. 
Ed.]. (MS. Letter of Mr. T. Lidstone, 
of Dartmouth, Eng.) — H. 

^ For a notice of Thomas Withers, 
see Trelawny Papers, 238, note ; also 
the authorities there cited. — H. 

'^ Samuel Haines, born in England 
about the year 161 1, came from West- 
bury, Wiltshire, to New England in 163 s. 
He was a passenger in the ship Angel 



Gabriel, which was wrecked at Pema- 
quid (now Bristol) Maine, Aug. 15, 1635. 
He was at Ipswich, Mass., in 1635-1636, 
at Dover, N. H., 1640- 1649. and settled 
near the Great Bay, in what is now 
Greenland, in 1650, where he died about 
1686-1687. He was a worthy and trust- 
ed inhabitant of Portsmouth, — holding 
various and responsible offices by the 
choice of his townsmen, and was one 
of the founders and a deacon of the 
first Congregational Church, at its or- 
ganization in 1 67 1. He was a neighbor 
and friend of Captain Champernowne. 
He owned much land in Greenland, 
which he divided among his children 
while living. He was the progenitor of 
the Haineses in New Hampshire, and 
of nearly all who bear the name in 
Maine and Vermont. Two of his de- 
scendants of the sixth generation — the 
late Hon. William P. Haines, of Bidde- 
ford, Me., and the Hon. Andrew M. 
Haines, of Galena, lUinois — have pub- 
lished valuable papers relating to the 
Haines family, and the early history of 
Greenland, in the New Eng. Hist, and 
Gene. Register (xxii. 451-455 ; xxiii. 
151-169, 430-433; xxviii. 251, 415; 
xxix. 30-40). — H. 

3 Greenland is one of the most at- 
tractive of the towns in eastern New 
Hampshire. Especially is tliis true of 



His Life in New England. 



1 1 1 



Champernowne was absent, several civil suits were brought 
against him, which were stayed by the court until his 
return. 

He lived on his Greenland farm until the month of July, 
1657, when he conveyed it to Valentine Hill, upon some 
agreement with Hill to satisfy a claim of Captain White, 
and for other considerations. Hill immediately conveyed 
the farm to Thomas Clarke and William Paddy, merchants 
of Boston. It is probable that some condition in the sale 
to Hill was broken, and the title again vested in Champer- 
nowne ; for in March, 1669, he conveyed the same premises 
to Nathaniel Fryer, Henry Langstaff, and Philip Lewis. 

From the Greenland farm he removed to Kittery, and 
settled on that portion of his estate which is now known as 
Cutts Island. 



the farms lying on the shores of the 
Great Bay, — a large tidal lake fed from 
the sea through the Pascataqua River. 
One of these farms, comprising about 
four hundred acres, includes the " old 
farm" of Captain Champernowne. The 
natural features of the region, so similar 
to what he had been accustomed in 
Old England, could not fail to captivate 
his mind. " Here dwelt, for many years, 
in something of antique breadth and 
state that relative and almost companion 
of Ralegh and Gilbert; that noblest 
born and bred of all New Hampshire's 
first planters. Grand old English oaks, 
planted, as tradition has it, by the Cap- 
tain's own hands, still lift their brave 
vigorous heads over the fertile meadows, 
— true Heme's oaks, as we exclaimed 
at the first glance, — unique in New 
Hampshire ; a scene as beautiful as that 
from Windsor Castle over Datchet 
Mead." (Jenness's Notes, 69-70.) The 
"old farm" has been in the possession 



and occupancy of the Peirce family since 
the year 1809. and is now owned by the 
heirs of the late Col. Joshua Winslow 
Peirce. (See New Eng. Hist, and Gene. 
Register, xxviii. 367-372.) 

The "new farm," also mentioned in 
the text, comprising nearly four hundred 
acres, included the southerly jDortion of 
the site of the village, and extended 
from a point on the easterly side of the 
road leading to Hampton in a north- 
westerly direction to, or nearly to, Win- 
nicut River. A portion of the road here 
referred to is about seven rods wide. 
This extraordinary width was provided 
for in the vote of the town of Portsmouth 
making the grant, in 1655. " The Captn 
is to allowe the waye through the sayd 
lott to be seuen pols wide and to be 
commone to his naighbors." Portsm. 
Rec, i. 31 ; Deed from Partridge and 
Packer to Matthias Haines, Sept. 20, 
171 7 (Reg. of Deeds, Exeter, ix. 648). 
— H. 



1 1 2 Captain Francis Champernowjie. 

His removal to Kittery nearly coincided with the restora- 
tion of Charles II. to the throne of England; an event 
which was immediately felt in New England by all parties, 
and especially by the Gorges and the Mason interests. Their 
respective territories, as we have seen, had been for many 
years under the rule of the Massachusetts Colony, asserted 
and forcibly maintained on a baseless claim that they were 
included in the patent of Massachusetts Bay. Champer- 
nowne was a devoted royalist, zealous and active in the 
interest of young Ferdinando Gorges, who had applied to 
the King to compel Massachusetts to restore to him the 
Province of Maine granted to his grandfather, Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, with powers of government. Gorges issued 
a commission,^ May 23, 1661, to Francis Champernowne, 
Henry Jocelyn,^ Nicholas Shapleigh,^ and Robert Jordan,* 

1 Maine Documents (Folsoni's Coll.), Devon, and emigrated to Maine prob- 
41. ably some time previous to 1640. His 

2 Henry Jocelyn, who was promi- father, Alexander Shapleigh, a ship- 
nently and honorably connected with owner, and largely interested in the 
the interests of Gorges and the early trade and plantation of the Province, 
aflfairs of Maine, was a son of Sir Thomas was permanently settled in Kittery as 
Josselyn (see note 2, afifea, p. 105), and early as 1640. Nicholas marrfed Alice, 
brother of John Josselyn, the author, daughter of Mrs. Ann Godfrey, wife of 
His autograph signature, in every in- Edward Godfrey, sometime Governor 
stance that has come to the knowledge of the Province. He died in Kittery on 
of the editor, shows that he used the the 29th of April, 1682, leaving no chil- 
form of liis surname s^iven in the text. dren. The foregoing is chiefly extracted 
For a .sketch of his life, see New Eng. from a very valuable paper on "the 
Hist, and Gene. Reg., xl. 290-294 ; Descendants of Alexander Shapleigh," 
Williamson's Maine, i. 682 ; also, Tre- communicated to the editor by J. Ham- 
lawny Papers, 8, note. — H. ilton Shapley, Esq., of Exeter, N. H. 

' Nicholas Shapleigh was a large His paper is deposited with the New 

landowner in Kittery, and other parts England Historic Genealogical Society, 

of Maine, a prominent ship-merchant, See also Williamson's Maine, and The 

and exercised much influence. He held Trelawny Papers. — H. 

various offices under the government * Notices of the Rev. Robert Jordan 

instituted by Gorges and his deputies, may be found in the Jordan Memorial, 

and likewise under the authority of Willis's Portland, Williamson's Maine, 

Massachusetts. He was born about the Trelawny Papers, and the New Eng. 

year 1610, at or near Dartmouth, Co. Hist, and Gene. Register. — H. 



His Life in New England. 1 1 3 

authorizing them to take charge of his interests in the Prov- 
ince of Maine. They accepted, and met at Wells on the 
27th day of December following.^ They drew up a decla- 
ration setting forth their determination to proclaim King 
Charles in the Province ; to collect the rents due the pro- 
prietor ; to adopt the laws of England ; and to maintain the 
rights of the proprietor, and of the freeholders of the Prov- 
ince.^ Champernowne took the lead in this work of restor- 
ing and retaining the jurisdiction and authority of Gorges as 
lord proprietor of the Province of Maine. Neither his zeal 
nor his labors abated while there was any prospect of success 
in these efforts. 

In March, 1662, Champernowne and his associates, acting 
under a commission from the lord proprietor, Ferdinando 
Gorges, issued a warrant to the marshal commanding him 
to seize all roll-books, records, and public writings, and de- 
liver the same to Captain Champernowne. In a few weeks 
the marshal made return that he had executed the warrant.''^ 

In May of the same year Champernowne and his asso- 
ciate commissioners issued a formal protest against any and 
all proceedings in the Province not derived from the King's 
authority.* The authority of Gorges was wellnigh again 
established by his commissioners when the Massachusetts 
Colony, in 1663, awoke from the stupor into which it had 
been thrown by the restoration of the King to the throne of 
his ancestors, and the contempt shown for its authority in 
its subjugated territory. That Colony despatched three of 
its magistrates into Maine, directing them to hold court and 

1 Maine Documents, 41. » Maine Documents, 42. 

2 Maine Documents, 42. * Maine Documents, 45. 

IS 



114 



Captain Francis Champernowne. 



to re-establish the authority of the Colony there.-^ This was 
successfully done in spite of all remonstrance on the part 
of Champernowne and others. The Massachusetts agents 
proceeded with a high hand. Champernowne and his asso- 
ciates — all leading citizens — were indicted by the court, 
and fined for these acts in behalf of the lord proprietor.^ 
But this arbitrary and unjust procedure did not in the least 
abate his zeal for Gorges' and the King's interests. This 
year, and again in 1665, his name appears among the sign- 
ers of the petitions of the inhabitants of New Hampshire, 
praying the King to free them from the usurped rule of 
Massachusetts. His name leads on the latter petition, and 
it is not improbable that it originated with him.^ 

In June, 1664, the King commanded Massachusetts to 
surrender the Province of Maine to Gorcres or his com- 
missioners.* This order brought joy to Champernowne 
and the other royalists in the Province, as well as to 
all those who were in the Gorges interest.^ On the 
5th day of November following, Champernowne and his 
old associates again united in issuing a proclamation 
setting forth the King's order relative to Gorges, and 
forbidding any acts inconsistent therewith, and especially 



1 Thomas Danforth, William Hath- 
orne, and Eleazer Lusher. 

^ Folsom's Saco and Biddeford. 

^ Maine Documents, 57. 

* It must be a cause of ceaseless 
wonder to every candid student of New 
England history that the leading men 
of Massachusetts — men eminent for 
their intelligence and personal integrity 
— could have made and enforced" the 
claim that their charter covered the ter- 
ritorial grants to Mason in New Hamp- 
shire, and to Gorges in Maine. At the 



same time candor will compel the ad- 
mission that both these Provinces were 
better governed, and were more orderly 
and prosperous, under the political ad- 
ministration of the Bay Colony, than 
they had ever been before that author- 
ity was extended over them ; and, fur- 
ther, that it would have been better for 
the people of these Provinces, if that 
authority had been left undisturbed. 
— H. 
^ Maine Documents, 64. 



His Life in New England. 



115 



forbidding any interference with the affairs of the Province 
by Massachusetts.' 

In June, 1664, the Royal Commissioners^ appointed by 
the King arrived in New England. They were empowered 
to hear and determine all complaints, appeals, and other mat- 
ters coming before them, whether civil, military, or criminal ; 
to proceed therein " according to their good and sound dis- 
cretion," and to " settle the peace and security of the coun- 
try."^ In the following year three of the Commissioners 
proceeded to New Hampshire and Maine.* They were cor- 
dially welcomed by Champernowne, and by all others who 
were upholders of the authority of the King and the interests 
of Gorges.^ 

On the 2ist day of June Champernowne and Jocelyn 
issued a summons to the inhabitants of York, calling on 



1 This proclamation is here repro- 
duced. It well illustrates the spirit and 
purpose of the men who signed it, and re- 
flects no discredit upon its author. — H. 

" Whereas his Gracious Majesty King 
Charles the Second hath been pleased to 
confirm by his immediate order unto Ferdi- 
nando Gorges, Esq., the Government & 
territories of the Province of Maine for 
ever, & to Command a resignation from all 
persons usurping the foresaid Government 
whereof we are Commanded to give signi- 
fication : Wee do therefore give notice to 
all persons of the unlawfulness of any such 
act, more particularly to the Governor and 
Councell of the Massachusetts Colony ; pro- 
testing against their intermedling with the 
government thereof as they will answer 
the Contrary at his Majesty's indignation : 
Which is done in the name of Ferdinando 
Gorges, Esq., Sole Proprietor thereof, & 
declared so to be by the forementioned 
Act of Grace ; for proof & in the main- 
tenance whereof we do appeale to his Ma- 
jesty's honorable Commissioners : Colonel 
Richard Nichols, Sir Robert Carr, George 



Cartwright, Esq., Samuel Mavericke, Esq., 
from whom wee shall all expect equal 
justice. 

" Dated Nov. 5, 1664. 

Fran : Champernowne Com'r. 

Henry Jocelyn Co7nr. 

John Archdale Com. 

Robert Jordon Com. 

Edw : RiSHWORTH Cofti'r. 

Fran : Raynes Corner. 

Thom : Withers Cofnr.'" 

[Mass. Arch., iii. 264]. 

2 Col. Richard Nichols, Sir Robert 
Carr, George Cartwright, and Samuel 
Mavericke. 

^ Hutch. History, i. 459, 460; Haz- 
ard's Coll., i. 638 ; Williamson's His- 
tory, i. 409 (note) ; Palfrey. 

* Carr, Cartwright, and Mavericke. 

'" For a thorough understanding of 
the grounds on which the Royal Com- 
missioners were appointed, the history 
of their proceedings, the obstacles they 
encountered, and the results of their 
intervention, the historical student will 



1 1 6 Captain Francis CJianipcniownc. 

them to assemble the next day and hear the formal publica- 
tion of the authority of the Royal Commissioners.^ The 
Commissioners, having heard the various parties who came 
before them in regard to the several complaints, and other 
matters submitted to them by the inhabitants of the Pro- 
vince, resolved, pursuant to their instructions, to place the 
government under the King's immediate protection and 
control. Accordingly, on the 23d day of June they formally 
appointed and commissioned eleven of the principal inhab- 
itants of the Province justices of the peace, giving them 
authority to hear and determine all causes, civil and crim- 
inal, and to order all the affairs of the Province. These 
were the first officers of this title in New England, and it is 
believed that never before nor since anywhere were such 
large powers given to officers bearing this title. 

Captain Champernowne was the first justice named in the 
Commission. He and his associate justices continued to 
act according to their commission without serious interrup- 
tion until the summer of 166S, when Massachusetts made 
another and a successful struggle for the government of the 
Province.^ On the 6th day of July the Massachusetts Com- 
missioners invaded the Province, supported by an armed 
force, and undertook the administration of government. 

not be content with any partisan state- authorifv. Indecision and imbecility 

niont. Nothing in the history of the niartced the proceedings of the King and 

relations of the King and his advisers Council in regard to American affairs 

to the New England colonies at this for nearly half a century. That this 

period is more remarkable than that the was largely due to the fact that some of 

Royal Commissioners should have been the trusted advisers of Charles I. and 

so ignorant of the spirit and purpose of Charles II. were in the pay of the colo- 

the leaders in the several colonics as to nies, or influenced by their paid agents, 

come with the instructions they bore, is hardly open to doubt, — H. 
but without any armed force to execute ^ Mass. Archives, iii. Ct"]. 

said instructions, or maintain their own - Maine Documents. 78. 



His Life 



lit 



New England. 



117 



Cliampcrnovvnc and his associate justices put forth a formal 
protest against this usurpation;^ but the protest availed 
nothing against superior force. The Massachusetts Com- 
missioners fully established the authority of that Colony 
over the Province. 

Champernowne never relinquished his hope of seeing the 
Province again under royal authority. He lived to see it 
return on the forfeiture of the Massachusetts Charter, and to 
hold a high position in the government. 

In the year 1672 Champernowne and Jocelyn again 
endeavored to have a royal government established over 
both Maine and New Hampshire;^ but the effort was 
fruitless. Five years later P^erdinando Gorges sold his 
interest in the Province to the Massachusetts Bay Colony.-'^ 
This act, which was highly displeasing to the King,'' and 
the frequent and distressing Indian wars,*^ put an end for 



^ Maine Documents, 80. 

'■^ Maine Documents, 14 

•' This sale was consummated March 
"3' i'j7h' 'i"d tiie purchase was ratifietl 
and confirmed by tlie General Court of 
Massachusetts in the following Octo- 
l)er. The sum paid was ^^1250 ster- 
ling. In this transaction John Usher, 
a Boston trader, acted as broker for 
Massachusetts. The negotiations had 
undoubtedly been in progress for some 
time. The fact that the bargain had 
been concluded between Gorges and 
Usher was communicated by Robert 
Mason to a member of the Privy Coun- 
cil a few days later (jenness's Original 
Documents, 83). Fifteen years before 
this, Daniel Gookin. in behalf of Massa- 
ciiusetts, had urged Gorges to sell his 
proprietary rights (Maine Documents, 
55). See Coll. Maine Hist. Soc, ii. 257- 
264; also the letter of John Collins, of 
London, to Governor Leverett in 1674 



(Hutch. Coll., Prince Soc. ed., ii. 1S3), 
and Williamson's Maine, i. 41:1, note. 
— H. 

* See the King's letter to Massachu- 
setts, Hutch. Coll. (Prince Soc. ed.), ii. 
260. Williamson (History of Maine, i. 
554) says: "The purchase was open 
and fair." Palfrey (History of New Eng- 
land, iii. 312) says : "Massachusetts had 
outwitted the King." It could hardly 
have been an "open" transaction by 
which the King and his Council were 
taken by surprise. At the best it was 
a case of sharj) practice, from which, it 
is safe to say, Massachusetts in the end 
derived no political benefit : nor can it 
scarcely be doubted that this transac- 
tion was one of the elements that em- 
bittered the controversy which resulted 
in the abrogation of the Charter. — H. 

'' For an interesting account of I'hil- 
ilVs War, see Palfrey's New England, 
iii. chaps, v. and vi. Williamson (His- 



1 1 8 Captain Francis Champcniowne. 

a time to all efforts to secure the re-establishment of the 
royal authority in Maine. 

In the Spring of 1678, Captain Champernowne, Nicholas 
Shapleigh, and Nathaniel Fryer ^ were appointed commis- 
sioners to settle a treaty of peace with Squando and other 
Indian chiefs in Maine. The parties met at Casco, now 
Portland, and agreed upon the terms of a treaty, and 
signed the same on the 12th of April.^ This is the only 
instance where Champernowne exercised any authority 
derived from Massachusetts or from any local source. 
Nor do I find that he ever held any local ofilice, or exer- 
cised any public authority not derived directly or indirectly 
from the Crown.^ 

In October, 1676, Edward Randolph reported to the 
Privy Council of England that "among the most popular 
and well-principled men who only wait for an opportunity 



tory of Maine, i. chap, xx.) gives a 
summary and substantially accurate 
statement of the Indian hostilities in 
Maine at this i)eriod, and the terrible 
sufferings and losses resulting there- 
from. The student of Philip's War 
will find a large body of valuable mate- 
rial, most of which had never before 
been printed, in the series of papers 
contributed by the Rev. Geo. M. ]5odge, 
A.M., to the New Kng. Hist, and Gene. 
Register, xxxii. et scq. — H. 

^ For a sketch of the life of the Hon. 
Nathaniel Fryer, see Coll. New Hamp. 
Hist. Soc, viii. 353-356. — H. 

2 Belknap (History of New Hamp- 
shire, Farmer's ed., 83) says: "The 
terms of the treaty were disgraceful, 
but not unjust, considering the former 
irregular conduct of many of the eastern 
settlers," etc. Williamson follows Bel- 
knap substantially, and agrees with him 



in thinking that, however humiliating 
the treaty may have seemed, it was 
preferable to a predatory warfare and 
" its consequent deprivations and cal- 
amities." Lieutenant-Governor Brock- 
holls of New York, in a letter to Captain 
Knapton, under date of June 7, 167S, 
says : " The Agreement of peace made 
by the Gents, of I'iscataway and the 
Indian Sachems ... I think is a good 
piece of work." (Coll. Maine Hist. Soc, 
V. 24.) The original and all copies of 
the treaty seem to have perished. — H. 

8 The early records of Portsmouth 
show that at a general town meeting held 
on the 27th of March, 1654, Captain 
Champernowne was chosen one of the 
selectmen for that year. At that time 
he was a resident of Portsmouth, and 
living on his Greenland farm. Whetlier 
or not he accepted the office, docs not 
appear. — H. 



His Life in New England. 119 

to express their duty to his Majesty," in New England, 
was *' Captain Champernowne." ^ 

In May, 1684, Cranfield, Lieutenant-Governor of the 
royal Province of New Hampshire, nominated Champer- 
nowne as a member of his Council, and recommended 
his confirmation to his superiors in England.^ It does not 
appear what, if anything further, was done in the premises. 
Cranfield left the Province a few months subsequently. 
His character and standing is further illustrated by the fact 
that in the month of July of this year Champernowne was 
made one of five trustees, for the benefit of the inhabi- 
tants of Kittery, of all the lands or properties within the 
bounds and limits of said township, formerly granted by Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, Knt., or by any of his agents, or by the 
General Assembly of Massachusetts. This was done by 
an indenture, in which Massachusetts was represented by 
Thomas Danforth, President of the Province of Maine. 
The same year the charter of Massachusetts Bay was 

1 As to Randolph, see pa^es 277- of Governor Cranfield in his letter to 
■^26, postea ; and Tuttle's Life of Capt. the Privy Council would seem to es- 
John Mason, edited by John Ward tablish the fact. "And [I] do rec- 
Dean, A.M. (Prince Soc. 18S7), 102, ommend for your Lordships' confir- 
note 197, and the authorities there mation [as Counsellors] Mr. Francis 
cited. — H. Champernowne and Mr. James Sher- 

2 It has been supposed and assumed lock. Mr. [Nathaniel] Fryer having 
hitherto, that, after leaving his Green- gone to live in the other Province 
land farm in New Hampshire, Captain [Maine], the number doth not exceed 
Champernowne continued to be a resi- seven" (Jenness's Original Documents, 
dent of Maine until his death; and it 156). As a possible further confir- 
has always seemed strange that Gov- mation, it may be stated that a por- 
ernor Cranfield nominated him to be of tion of a roujrh draft of his Will (still 
his Council. But there cannot be much preserved), directs that his body be 
doubt that Champernowne did return buried in Portsmouth. This draft may 
to Portsmouth and remained for some have been made while he was tein- 
time, attracted thither most probably porarily resident at Portsmouth, circa 
by the presence there of men in power 1684. — H. 

under royal commission. The language 



I20 Captain Francis Champernowne. 

annulled by legal proceedings, and the authority of the 
corporation came to an end.^ 

Champernowne was now seventy years of age, too old 
to be again active in restoring the royal authority over 
Maine, now certain to take place. His capacity, ability, 
and loyalty were recognized in England, as well as at 
home, and when President Dudley's commission issued in 
1685,^ to govern New England, Champernowne was named 
in the commission a member of his Council of State, — 
a high and responsible office. He was continued in this 
office under Sir Edmund Andros, the successor of Dudley, 
and held it until his death in 1687. 

Some time subsequent to the year 1675, Captain Cham- 
pernowne married Mary, the widow of Robert Cutt,^ a 
prominent citizen and merchant of Kittery. It does not 
appear that he had married before. He had no children ; 

^ The proceedings for the annul- dissolved. On June 15. the new Govern- 
ment of the charter were begun by a ment issued an "Order for the Holding 
writ of quo warranto, issued June 27, of Courts and Execution of Justice." 
1683. returnable into the Court of King's This Order, in point of style and phrase- 
Bench. But the writ was defective in ology. is one of the best official papers 
form, and not seasonably served. This issued in Massachusetts in the seven- 
method of procedure was abandoned, teenth century. The copy of the Com- 
and a writ of scire facias was issued mission referred to above seems to 
from the Court of Chancery, April 16, have disappeared from the State ar- 
16S4, and an alias on May 12. It was chives, and the original has also per- 
under this writ that the Charter was ished or passed out of sight. A par'ial 
vacated, by the decree of the Lord copy will be found in Coll. Mass. Hist. 
Keeper, on June 21, which decree was Soc, v. 244-246. Prov. Papers of New 
confirmed October 23. See Palfrey, Hampshire, i. 590-592, and R. I. Rec, 
iii. 376-394. — H. iii. 195. — H. 

-President Dudley's Commission ^ -phe early generations of the family 

was dated Oct. 8. 1685. He presented spelled their name Cutt ; the later gen- 

acopy of it to the General Court on May erations have added the letter .$■. For 

17, 1686. The General Court, on May historical and genealogical notices of 

20, sent to Dudley and his Council a the family, see Brewster's Rambles 

communication (Mass. Rec, v. 515-516), about Portsmouth, The Wentworth 

criticising the terms of the Commission, Genealogy, and Savage's Gen. Die. 

and his language to them, and thereupon — H. 




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His Life in New England. 121 

but he had a great affection for his wife's children by 
Robert Cutt, and often speaks of them as his own, which 
fact has misled some writers.^ 

His principal residence in Kittery was within a few miles 
of Gorgeana, now York, the metropolis of the Province. 
A narrow stream separated his homestead from that of 
Edward Godfrey,^ sometime Governor of the Province. 
In 1666, the town of Kittery granted to him five hundred 
acres of land near his residence, and, in 1669, three hun- 
dred acres additional at Kittery Point. 

The latter part of his life was devoted chiefly to the care 
of his plantation, while the ostensible interest which drew 
him to New England, and to which he devoted his younger 
years, was commercial. 

Captain Champernowne lived in New England half a 
century. This period was about equally divided between 
Portsmouth and Kittery. Tradition still preserves his 
name and memory in both of these places. There is no 
contemporary account of him, nor any portrait extant. 
His form and features can be restored only by fancy, 
but his character may be inferred with considerable cer- 
tainty from his acts, and the respect shown him by his 
contemporaries. 

On November 16, 1686, he made his Will, devising his 
island home in equal parts to his wife and her daughter, 

1 Williamson (History of Maine, i. the Province. There was much that is 
Appendix, 667), erroneously states that pathetic in his career, and especially in 
Champernowne had three daughters, his closing days in London. For a full 
Other writers have copied this error, account of his life, see Edward Godfrey; 
H. His Life, Letters, and Public Services, 

2 Edward Godfrey was for many 1 584-1664, by Charles Edward Banks, 
years very prominent in the affairs of M.D., privately printed, 1887. — H. 

16 



122 Captain Frajtcis Champernowne. 

Elizabeth, the wife of Humphrey Elliot. This island, now 
known as Cutts, was soon after Champernowne's death 
conveyed to his wife's son, Richard Cutt, whose descend- 
ants have owned the larger part, and resided upon it 
until recently. He made his wife's grandson, Champer- 
nowne Elliot, his heir-at-law and residuary legatee.-"^ 

Captain Champernowne died sometime in the Spring 
of 1687, the day and month not now known. He desired 
to be buried on his island where he died. No other monu- 
ment marks his last resting-place but a heap of stones, 
which some friendly hand placed above his grave, where 
they may be seen to this day. In a large open field slop- 
ing to the south, a rude stone wall encloses a small area, 
dotted over with mounds, indicating the graves of some 
of Champernowne's contemporaries, or of succeeding own- 
ers and occupants of the land. In the northerly corner a 
large oblong pile of moss-covered stones denotes his own 
burial-place. 

" THOMAS DE CAMBERNON for Hastings field 
Left Normandy : his Tower sees him no more ! 
And no Crusader's Warhorse plumed and steeled 
Paws the grass now at Modbury's blazoned door : 
No lettered marble nor ancestral shield — 
Where all the Atlantic shakes the lonesome shore 
Lies our forgotten, — only Cobblestones 
To tell us Where are Champernowne's poor Bones ! " ^ 

1 For Champernowne's Will, see Feb. i, 1801, and died in Portsmouth, 
Appendix No. 2. For notes on the Jan. 30, 1876. His father, Thomas 
Elliot, Cutt, and Elliott families, see Elwyn, Esq., a native of the city of 
Appendix No. 3. Canterbury, Eng., and a graduate of 

2 The autlior of these lines, the late Trinity College, Oxford, came to the 
John Elwyn, Esq., of Portsmouth, N. H., United States in 1796, while a young 
was born at Clifton, near Bristol, Eng., man. After completing his travels, he 



His Life in New England. 



123 



The v/aves on the sandy beach not far off continuously 
throb a monotonous requiem, while from the vast expanse 
of the ocean in full view come deeper and more solemn 
sounds. Here rests the first and the last of his name in 
New England, — the kinsman of the immortal Gilbert, 
Ralegh, and Gorges. 



read law in Philadelphia. There he 
made the acquaintance of the family of 
the Hon. John Langdon, an eminent 
citizen of New Hampshire, and at this 
time a Senator in the Federal Congress. 
He married Governor Langdon's only 
child, Elizabeth, and she was the mother 
of Mr. John Elwyn. Thomas Elwyn 
settled in Portsmouth, and died there in 
1 81 6. John Elwyn was graduated at 
Harvard College in 1819. While in 
College, and for many years afterwards, 
he wrote his name, John Langdon- 
Elwyn. He lived nearly all his hfe in 
Portsmouth, and was buried on his 
estate at the head of Sagamore Creek. 
This estate he inherited from his mater- 
nal grandfather. It had been owned 
and occupied by the Langdons from the 
early years of the settlement of New 
Hampshire. Mr. Elwyn was a life-long 
and diligent student, and his acquire- 
ments in the languages, both ancient 
and modern, of Europe and of Asia, 
were extraordinary in extent. He was 
remarkably well-informed respecting 
the genealogies of the old families of 
England. He was no less well-informed 
in regard to the genealogies of the old 



families and the antiquities of the Pas- 
cataqua region, and his information was 
always at the service of those seeking 
his aid. 

In his second volume of " Poems of 
Places — New England," Mr. Long- 
fellow inserted the verses above quoted, 
under the title : " The Grave of Cham- 
pernowne," with a prefatory note from 
Mr. John Albee (Harv. Theo. School, 
1858), of New Casde, New Hampshire, 
but inadvertently Mr. Longfellow located 
the grave in New Castle. In his charm- 
ing monograph on New Castle, Mr. Al- 
bee pays an appreciative tribute to the 
character, learning, and poetic ability of 
Mr. Elwyn. 

The fine sonnet on the page follow- 
ing this, from the pen of Mr. Albee, is 
here reproduced with his consent. It 
fitly concludes this paper on Champer- 
nowne by his friend, Mr. Tuttle. Among 
Mr. Albee's published works are the 
following: St. Aspenquid of Mount 
Agamenticus, an Indian Idyl (Ports- 
mouth, N. H., 1879); Literary Art (New 
York, 1881) ; Poems (New York,i883) ; 
New Castle, Historic and Picturesque, 
illustrated (Boston, 1885). — H. 



124 Captain Francis Champernowne. 



AT THE GRAVE OF CHAMPERNOWNE. 

BY JOHN ALBEE. 

Here poise, like flowers on flowers, the butterflies ; 

The grasshopper on crooked crutch leaps up, 

The wild bees hum above the clover cup. 
The fox-grape wreathes the walls in green disguise 

Of ruin: and antique plants set out in tears — 
Pink, guelder-rose, and myrtle's purple bells — 

Struggle 'mid grass and their own wasting years 
To show the grave that no inscription tells. 

Here rest the bones of Francis Champernowne ; 

The blazonry of Norman kings he bore ; 
His fathers builded many a tower and town, 

And after Sehlac England's lords. Now o'er 
His island cairn the lonesome forests frown. 

And sailless seas beat the untrodden shore. 





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CONQUEST OF ACADIE. 




CONQUEST OF ACADIE. 



WE need not look beyond the breach and end of the 
treaty of triple alliance, — that famous league of 
the three great Protestant nations of Europe, — for the 
causes of the events I am now to relate. England, the 
United Provinces, and Sweden enjoyed a few years of 
supremacy and tranquillity under the moral strength of 
that memorable international alliance. " All Europe," says 
Hume, " seemed to repose herself with security under the 
wings of that powerful confederacy."^ 

But the inconstant temper of the English king, Charles 
II., would not suffer him long to adhere to any policy or 
connection. Hatred of the Dutch and love of the French 
were the most steady passions in the breast of this mon- 
arch.^ Less than two years after joining the triple league, 
— an act so much applauded by his subjects, — he was in 
secret council with Louis XIV., who was then plotting the 
destruction of the United Provinces. In this scheme of 

1 Hume's History of England, chap, but masterly summing up of the charac- 

Ij^jy ter of Charles II., at the close of the 

'■2' The reader will recall Hume's brief sixty-ninth chapter of his History. — H. 



1 28 Conquest of Acadie. 

perficl}^ outrage, and ambition England was to have the 
province of Zealand, and France all the other provinces 
except Holland, which was to be reserved for the young 
Prince of Orange, if he would come into the arrangement. 

With these views and purposes, not publicly declared, the 
English monarch and his ministers joined the ambitious 
King of France^ in a war of conquest against the United 
Provinces, the old and faithful ally of England, — her 
ally in more than one crisis when without this great po- 
litical and military support she had been without a friend in 
all Europe This most unjust and cruel war was publicly 
declared by France as well as by England, in March, 1672. 
Of the events which followed, I am concerned with those 
only which occurred in the New World and affected the 
American colonies of these belligerents. 

When the war began in Europe, the Dutch possessions in 
America were not large. That famous Batavian Province, 
the New Netherlands, had already been wrested from the 
United Provinces by the English eight years before.^ The 
Cura9oa island, or islands, in the West Indies, and Surinam^ 
in South America, were all that now remained to the United 
Provinces in the New World. 

The French possessions were immense. New France 
stretched from the Gulf of Mexico to the Gulf of St. Law- 
rence, its great eastern frontier pressing heavily on the 

^ " The King of England," said " The surrender was made Aug. 29, 

Louis to his ambassador D'Estrades 1664. 

(Jan. 25, 1662), " may know my forces, ^ By the Treaty of Breda (July 10, 

but he knows not the sentiments of 1667) the possession of Surinam was 

my heart. Everything appears to me confirmed to the Dutch, and New Am- 

contemptible in comparison of glory " sterdam to the English. — H. 
(Hume, chap. Ixiv.). — H. 



Conquest of Acadie. 



129 



English maritime provinces lying between the Penobscot 
Bay and Florida. Of this vast extent of French empire 
the most eastern division bore the provincial name Acadie. 
Under this name were comprehended what is now the Prov- 
ince of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and the eastern half 
of the present State of Maine.^ 

Acadie had been explored and settled in some parts by 
the French before a permanent English settlement had 
been made in America. Castine, Champlain, and DeMonts 
had achieved fame in this region before the English, so far 
as we now know, had set foot on any part of Acadie. It 
was valued for the advantages it offered as a military posi- 
tion, for its great rivers and harbors, for its illimitable for- 



^ Prior to the year 1632 the bounda- 
ries of Acadie were not so defined as to 
make it perfectly clear what the French 
seriously claimed under that title. They 
had missions, stations, and trading-posts 
among the Indians as far west at least 
as the Kennebec ; and whenever, sub- 
sequent to 1632, the western limits of 
Acadie came in question, the French 
insisted upon making that river the 
western boundary. But if persistent 
occupation of points on the coast to 
the eastward of the Kennebec gave 
title to anybody, that title rested in 
the English ; and the Dutch, who had 
at different times made settlements 
and engaged in trade at various points 
on the coast, might, for the same rea- 
son, lay claim to portions of the ter- 
ritory between the Kennebec and the 
Penobscot. When, pursuant to the 
third article of the Treaty of St. Ger- 
main de Ley (in 1632), Acadie was re- 
stored to the French, the English sur- 
rendered no portion of the territory west 
of the Penobscot. And the same is 
true of the restoration made by the Eng- 



lish pursuant to the Treaty of Breda in 
1667. From and after 1632 the French 
never exercised any authority, pohtical 
or military, in the territory lying be- 
tween the Kennebec and the Penobscot. 
The extreme French claim was renewed 
whenever it served a purpose, and nota- 
bly so in the years 1 750-1 753, when the 
question of the northern and western 
boundaries of Acadie formed the sub- 
ject of an extended and exhaustive in- 
vestigation by the commissaries of the 
courts of England and France. The 
argument of the English commissaries 
covers the entire history of the ques- 
tion, and seems to be complete and un- 
answerable. See The Memorials of 
the EngHsh and French Commissaries 
concerning the Limits of Nova Scotia, 
or Acadie (London, 1755); also Mur- 
doch's History of Nova Scotia, or Aca- 
die, i. I, 2, and chapters x., xvi., and 
xvii. In regard to tlie bibliography of 
the Memorials, see Narrative and Criti- 
cal History of America, iv. chap, iv., 
and the Catalogue of the Athenceum 
Library, Boston. — H. 



17 



130 Conquest of Acadie. 

ests, for its rich furs and inexhaustible fisheries, and for its 
proximity to the Old World. No wonder it was coveted by 
France, by England, and by the United Provinces, — the 
three greatest commercial nations of Europe. For a cen- 
tury and a half the English and the French contended for 
the possession of Acadie. It was repeatedly conquered 
by the English, who, however, kept possession only a short 
time ; for Acadie always had a steady attraction for the 
French, its first explorers and possessors.-^ 

In the Summer of 1654 the English again, and for the 
third time, became masters of Acadie. Upon some com- 
plaint made in 1653 against the Dutch of New Nether- 
lands by the New Haven Colony, Cromwell sent hither a 
small naval force under command of Major Robert Sedg- 
wick^ and Capt. John Leverett, both of Massachusetts, 
with instructions^ to obtain reinforcements in New Eng- 

^ "They knew the intrinsic value of and Honorable Artillery Company of 
its mines, fisheries, lands, forests, and Boston in 1638, and its captain in 
fur trade. They saw, also, that the 1640 ; commanded the Castle in 1641, 
peninsula was important to them in and the Middlesex regiment in 1643 ; 
checking the progress and disturbing and in 1652 was commissioned Major- 
the security of the New England colo- General. In 1643-44, in connection with 
nies, and as a rampart and outwork to John Winthrop, Jr., he established fur- 
defend their own highly-prized colony nace and iron works at Saugus (Lynn), 
of Canada"' (Murdoch's Nova Scotia, which were the first, or among the first, 
i. 352). — -H. in New England. Going to England, 

'^ Robert Sedgwick was the son of subsequent to 1652, he made the ac- 

William and Elizabeth (Howe) Sedgwick quaintance of Cromwell, and was em- 

of Woburn, Bedfordshire, England, and ployed by him to expel the French from 

was baptized in St. Mary's Church in the Penobscot in 1654; was engaged in 

that town. May 6, 1613. He was one the expedition against the Spanish West 

of the first settlers of Charlestown, Indies when Jamaica was taken ; and 

Mass., in 1635. His business was that just before his death, which occurred 

of a merchant. He served as a deputy in Jamaica, May 24, 1656, he was pro- 

in the General Court for several years, moted to the rank of Major-General in 

Before coming to New England he the British Army. See New Eng. Hist, 

was, it is said, a member of the Artil- and Gene. Register, xlii. 67, 184. — H. 
lery Company of London. He was ^ Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, xxxii. 230- 

one of the organizers of the Ancient 232. 



Conquest of Acadie. 131 

land, then to proceed to "extirpate the Dutch," England 
then being at war with the United Provinces. The fleet 
proceeded to Boston, where it arrived in June, 1654; ^^^l 
while Massachusetts was beating up five hundred men 
for recruits, news came of peace with the Provinces,^ and 
put an end to this design. 

But this expedition, augmenting the land and naval force 
at the disposal of Massachusetts, must needs accomplish 
something against friend or foe. It forthwith proceeded 
against the French of Acadie, and, taking them by surprise, 
made an easy conquest of all the strongholds of that prov- 
ince,^ although there was then no war existing between 
France and England. A thunderbolt from a clear sky 
could not have been more unexpected by the Acadians 
than this sudden onset by the English. Historians have 
said that the commanders of this expedition had secret 
orders from Cromwell to make conquest of Acadie ; but 
they have not cited a particle of evidence to sustain the 
assertion. In the absence of any such testimony, it must 
be inferred that the design originated with the authorities 
of Massachusetts, and was executed under the great name 
and assumed authority of Cromwell. That Colony knew his 
temper well enough to venture in a struggle the issue of 
which was sure to be in favor of England, and to add still 
further to the military fame of the Protector. 

One of these commanders, Capt. John Leverett, afterwards 
Governor of Massachusetts, remained in command of Aca- 
die until Sir Thomas Temple was appointed governor of the 

^ The Articles of Peace were signed 2 po^t Royal capitulated Aug. 16, 

on April 5, 1654, and the news reached 1654. — H. 
Boston, June 29. — H. 



132 Conquest of Acadie. 

conquered French Province, the name of which was now 
changed to Nova Scotia. 

While Acadie, or Nova Scotia, remained an English 
Province, the people of New England, especially of Massa- 
chusetts, carried on there a large peltry trade, and were en- 
gaged in the fisheries, paying a reasonable charge for this 
privilege. Eighty thousand livres had been paid annually 
by the English for leave to fish in the waters of Acadie.^ 

Massachusetts came to regard the Province as a necessary 
part of her own domain. Soon after the conquest she in- 
structed her agent, Leverett, to beg it of Cromwell if there 
was any prospect of its being surrendered to France. By 
dilatory pleas, seconded by Massachusetts, Governor Tem- 
ple — a man who had the address to make himself equally 
acceptable to the Puritan and to the Royalist — delayed the 
surrender of Acadie to the French three full years after 
the Treaty of Breda. At last King Charles sent a per- 
emptory order to him to deliver the Province to the French, 
and this was executed in the Summer of 1670.^ The com- 
mission issued to the French governor made the Kennebec 
River the western limit of his g:overnment. 

Massachusetts now saw with alarm this attempt to ad- 
vance the frontiers of New France still nearer her own 
settlements. This construction of the western limit of 
Acadie included lands and trading-stations of some lead- 



1 Charlevoix, iii. 138 ; N. Y. Coll. Temple (who was in Boston), July 7, 

Doc, iv. 476. 1670. The fort at Pentagoet surren- 

'^^ The King's letters to Temple, di- dered Aug. 5, 1670; Gemesic (on the 

reeling him to surrender Acadie, were river St. John), Aug. 27 ; and Port 

dated, respectively, Dec. 31, 1667 ; Aug. Royal, Sept. 2. See Memorials of Eng- 

I, 1668; March 8, 1668-9; Aug. 6, 1669. I'sh and French Commissaries; and 

The surrender was formally made by Murdoch's Nova Scotia. — H. 



Conquest of Acadie. 133 

insf men of Massachusetts between the two rivers. But, 
without waiting for the courts of France and England to 
settle the question of boundary between the two nations, 
Massachusetts boldly went to work to fix the western limit 
of Acadie. The northern limit of the Colony of Massa- 
chusetts Bay, as defined by its charter, was a line running 
east and west three miles north of the Merrimack River. 
She had already determined this line to be three miles 
north of the northernmost part of the Merrimack, and had 
thus unlawfully taken into her bounds, and exercised ju- 
risdiction over, Mason's Patent of New Hampshire and 
nearly all of Gorges' Province of Maine. The east and 
west line of this unwarranted extension fell into the ocean, 
on the east, at Casco Bay, now Portland. 

One of the magistrates, Capt Thomas Clarke, of Bos- 
ton, was a large proprietor of lands and trading-houses lying 
between the Kennebec and the Penobscot ; and these were 
put to hazard by the French claim. The General Court of 
Massachusetts forthwith appointed this Captain Clarke to 
run " our north line from Casco Bay as far as he sees con- 
venient eastward." ^ Hutchinson, the historian of Massa- 
chusetts, says : " The Court always thought it the part of 
good governors, as well as of good judges, to amplify their 
jurisdiction ; " ^ and Edward Randolph said, about this time, 
" The present limits of Massachusetts are as large as that 
government please to make them."^ 

This survey was executed in 1672, twenty years after the 
previous survey, made by authority, had fixed the eastern 

^ Mass. Col. Records, v. 987. ^ Hutchinson Papers (Prince Soc. 

2 Hutchinson'sHist. of Mass.,i. 239. Edition), ii. 222 [4S7]. 



134 Conquest of Acadie. 

bounds of Massachusetts at Casco Bay. To the surprise of 
everybody concerned, except the people of the Bay Colony, 
the eastern limits were now found to be in Penobscot Bay. 
Thus the northern line — stretching from the Atlantic to 
the Pacific — was rolled backward several miles from points 
fixed by the first survey. The new surveyor, in his report 
to the General Court, said that if the Court " pleased to go 
twenty miles more northerly in Merrimack River, it would 
take in all the inhabitants and places east." By this survey 
and extension of jurisdiction the interests of the merchants 
and traders of Boston would be saved. And these interests, 
regarded as paramount to all other rights and claims, Massa- 
chusetts was resolved to defend. 

The General Court forthwith erected the new territory 
into a county, and, yielding to the prejudices of the inhabi- 
tants, named it Devonshire. Governor Leverett immedi- 
ately informed the Count de Frontenac, then Governor 
of New France, of this extension of Massachusetts limits 
northward and eastward, and warned the French not to ven- 
ture therein.^ There is hardly a bolder and more daring 
act recorded in the annals of Massachusetts. Who ever, 
before or since, heard of a remote and infant colony attempt- 
ing thus to set the limits of empire between two proud and 
powerful nations } 

On taking possession of Acadie in 1670, the French re- 
paired the forts which the English had built, and also those 
built by themselves previous to the English conquest. A 
small military force was placed in each of them, to protect 
the country and its commercial interests. A provincial gov- 

^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 514. 



Conquest of Acadie. 135 

ernor^ was sent there, whose chief residence was Pentagoet, 
now Castine. Thus stood affairs between Massachusetts 
and Acadie, — between England and France, — in the 
year 1674, when the Dutch came and made conquest of 
Acadie. 

The strife in Europe had already begun when England 
and France publicly proclaimed war with the United Prov- 
inces.^ France was to bring armies into the field, and Eng- 
land was to cope with the Dutch on the sea. The Dutch 
navy was large and powerful, and commanded by able and 
experienced admirals. The fame of De Ruyter and Van 
Tromp was already spread through the maritime world ; 
and with such opponents on the sea the enemies of the 
United Provinces might well have fears for the issue. 
From the Dutch navy the English justly expected much 
injury, especially in her numerous American colonies. 

The King forthwith wrote ^ to the Governor of Massa- 
chusetts, announcing his declaration of war, and direct- 
ing that proclamation be made there, and also issued like 
orders to the other English colonies. He also said that 
there was a report that a considerable number of men-of-war 
were fitting out in Zealand, designed to annoy the English 
planters in the West Indies. 

The King's letter and declaration reached Boston the 
last week in May, while the General Court was in session. 
The Court immediately ordered " That the King's declara- 
tion sent to us against the States General of the United 
Provinces be published by the Marshal General in the three 

^ Hubert d'Andigny, Chevalier de ^ Wgr was declared by the King, 
Grandfontaine. March 7, 1672. 

^ See Appendix, No. 4. 



136 Conquest of Acadie. 

usual places in Boston by sound of trumpet."^ This is 
said to be the first instance of a public declaration of war 
in the Colony of Massachusetts ; ^ and because that Colony 
had not been accustomed to pay very prompt respect to 
either the orders or the requests of the sovereign, it may 
be inferred that the quick compliance with the King's order 
in this case was due to a hostile feeling towards the Dutch. 

In the Spring of 1673 the Zealand and Holland fleets, of 
which King Charles had advertised the Colonies, accidentally 
met at Martinico in the West Indies, — both sailing under 
the colors of their enemies, the one wearing a French en- 
sign, the other an English. They prepared to fight, each 
believing the other to be, what its colors represented, an 
enemy. But an accident occurred, just as the conflict was 
to beein, which discovered their true character to each 
other, and saved them from mutual destruction.^ 

Without doing anything memorable in those waters, the 
two squadrons united and sailed for Virginia about midsum- 
mer. They seized many English vessels there, and one 
from New York, by which they gained the information of 
the weak state of the defences of that Province. Although 
they had not contemplated making a re-conquest of their 
ancient Province of New Netherlands, they now resolved 
on it; and the end of July, 1673, saw the colors of the 
Prince of Orange waving over Manhattan Island, to the 
great joy of the Dutch inhabitants. The conquest soon 
extended over every part of the Province of New York. 
A Dutch government was established, and the name New 

1 Mass. Records, v. 517. ^ Hutchinson's History, i. 259, note. 

^ Hutchinson's History, i. 258, note. 



Conquest of Acadie. 137 

Netherlands restored to the Province ; while, in honor of 
the Prince of Orange, now at the head of affairs in the 
United Provinces, the name New Orange was given to 
Manhattan, or New York, formerly New Amsterdam.^ 

While this news sent a thrill of joy throughout the United 
Provinces, it sent a thrill of sorrow and mortification over 
England and her American colonies. Upon information of 
the operations of the Dutch fleet in the waters of Virginia, 
the authorities of Massachusetts at once took measures to 
defend the Colony from attack or injury.^ 

The people of England were already weary of this war 
when this event happened. Parliament now forced King 
Charles and his ministers to make peace with the United 
Provinces. The Treaty of Westminster was signed Feb. 
9, 1674, nearly two years after the war began, and six 
months after the Dutch conquest of New York? It was 
agreed by the parties to this treaty that the Dutch might 
retain possession of New Netherlands until the English 
were ready to assume the government. It was not until 
the last day of October, 1674, that Sir Edmund Andros 
personally received the surrender. 

About midsummer, 1674, Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts, com- 
mander of the Dutch frigate Flying Horse, being at Cura- 
coa in the West Indies, received a commission from the 
Dutch Governor of those islands, authorizing him, in the 
name of the great Prince of Orange, " to take, plunder, 
spoil, and possess any of the garrisons, towns, territories, 

^ This change of name was made the re-conquest of this Province, and of 
Aug. 12, 1673 (N. S.)- The Dutch now the proceedings of the Dutch authorities 
again introduced the New Style of reck- thereupon, see Brodhead's History of 
oning time into New Netherlands. For the State of New York. ii. 206-271. — H. 
a condensed and interesting history of ^ See Appepdix, No. 5. 

18 



138 Conquest of Acadie. 

privileges, ships, persons, or estates of any of the enemies 
of the great States of Holland." His commission ex- 
pressly named England and France as public enemies of 
his great master.-^ The news of the Peace of Westminster, 
made a few months before, had not reached Curacoa when 
this authority was granted. 

With this provincial commission, Captain Aernouts sailed 
for New Orange, little dreaming of so memorable an affair 
in future as the conquest of a rich province of France in a 
few months. The Flying Horse arrived at New Orange in 
the fore part of July. There her commander was surprised 
to hear that peace was proclaimed between England and the 
United Provinces, made nearly six months before ; and that 
New Orange was to be surrendered to the English. He 
found that his commission was now of no force against 
the English, it having been granted before the treaty of 
peace ; but that it was good authority to proceed against 
the French, peace not having been made with them. 

While the Flying Horse was recruiting and preparing 
for sea in New York, — or New Orange, as the Dutch 
loved to call it, — Capt. John Rhoade, of Boston, an adven- 
turous character, a pilot of some experience, made the 
acquaintance of Captain Aernouts. He told the captain 
that he was well acquainted with Acadie and all the French 
defences therein ; that it would be an easy conquest with his 
force, if taken by surprise ; that it was a great fur country, 
and would make a fine Dutch province. Rhoade had re- 
cently been at Pentagoet, and had exact knowledge of the 
strength of the French garrison there. After considering 

^ See Appendix, No. 17. 



Conquest of Acadie. 1 39 

this scheme of conquest presented by Rhoade, and remem- 
berino- what glory the conquest of New York not two years 
before shed on Dutch arms, Captain Aernouts submitted 
the plan to his officers and crew, and they were unani- 
mously in favor of it. 

Captain Aernouts now resolved to attempt the conquest. 
Rhoade took the oath of allegiance to the Prince of Orange, 
and was made chief pilot of the Flying Horse. With a 
company of one hundred and ten men he sailed from New 
York, and reached Pentagoet the ist of August. He forth- 
with landed, and attacked the French fort, commanded by 
the veteran M. de Chambly with a small force of thirty 
men, and was soon master of it.^ Chambly was wounded. 
The garrison surrendered to the Prince of Orange. The 
Dutch captain could not spare any of his force to garrison 
the fort, and he thereupon destroyed it, and also several 
houses, taking: the cannon, ammunition, and other articles 
of value away with him. The French inhabitants of the hum- 
bler sort submitted to be subjects to the Prince of Orange, 
and were allowed to remain and trade, and keep possession 
till further orders, or some of the captors should return. 

M. de Chambly, who was Governor of Acadie, and his 
principal officers were taken on board the Flying Horse. 
A thousand beavers were demanded as the price of his 
ransom ; but he was unable to furnish them. He was al- 
lowed to despatch his ensign, with Indian guides, to Que- 
bec, to acquaint Count Frontenac of his unhappy situation, 
and to request ransom from his captors. This ensign was 

1 This occurred August lo. See 254; Murdoch's Nova Scotia, i. 154; 
Charlevoix (Shea's ed.), iii. 187, i8cS; Williamson's Maine, i. 580. — H. 
Brodhead's History of New York, ii. 



140 Co7i quest of Acadie. 

no less a person than the young Baron St. Castine, famous 
in later history. 

Before leaving Pentagoet, the Dutch commander placed 
a copy of his commission, with a brief account of his con- 
quest made in the name of the Prince of Orange, in two 
glass bottles and buried them in the earth, as a memorial 
of his seizure. 

The Flying Horse then proceeded eastward, making con- 
quest of every French fort and trading-place to the St. John 
River in the Bay of Fundy. The last considerable fort taken 
was at Gemesic,^ in this river, commanded by M. de Marson, 
lieutenant to M. de Chambly. This fort was destroyed and 
its officers made prisoners. The poorer inhabitants having 
submitted were allowed to remain and trade, under condi- 
tions similar to those imposed at Pentagoet. 

Bottles were here also buried in the earth, containing a 
copy of the captain's commission, and a brief account of 
the Dutch conquest made in the name of the Prince of 
Orange. Acadie was now proclaimed to bear the name 
of New Holland, another European name hitherto un- 
known in the annals of that region. No attempt was 
made on Port Royal, probably on account of its capacity 
to defend itself. 

Thus was Acadie, lying between the Penobscot and St. 
John rivers, a favorite Province, again wrested from the 
French, after having been held by them only four years. 
The French had only got well established there and begun 
to enjoy a large revenue from the fur trade and fisheries, 
when this calamity befell them. 

^ This name is variously spelled in the histories. — H. 



Conquest of Acadie. 141 

Count Frontenac received the news of the capture of 
M. de Chambly, and of the conquest of Acadie, near the 
end of September, with mingled feeUngs of surprise and 
mortification. Both had been but a short time in these high 
stations. The former was appointed in 1672 and the latter 
in 1673. Frontenac hastened to provide a ransom for the 
Governor of Acadie out of his own private fortune. The 
equivalent of a thousand beavers was subsequently nego- 
tiated at Boston, and Chambly was released.^ 

Only one month of navigation remained when this un- 
happy intelligence reached Quebec. Even had it been 
otherwise, Frontenac was not in condition to send help to 
Acadie. He however despatched some persons in canoes 
to discover what further calamities had befallen Acadie, to 
bring away some of the family of M. de Marson, and others 
of the garrison in the St. John River, and to carry letters to 
Boston.^ In his letter to Governor Leverett of Massachu- 
setts, Frontenac stated his belief that Boston, being jealous 
of the proximity of the French, and offended at the re- 
straints which had been put on the English trade and fish- 
ing in Acadie, had employed this Dutch expedition against 
them, and furnished the pilot. He condemned in strong 
language the action of Boston in suffering the Dutch to 
return there with their French prisoners and plunder while 
peace existed between England and France.^ 

The Flying Horse, laden with the plunder of Acadie, 
and having its Governor and his chief oflficers on board, 

^ See Appendix, No. 6_, for orders 14, 1674 (N. Y. Coll. Doc, ix. 119, 

and letters of Frontenac in regard to 120). — H. 
this aifair. — H. ^ See Appendix, No. 6. 

"^ Frontenac's letter to Colbert, Nov. 



142 Conquest of Acadie. 

sailed for Boston, reaching that place some time in Septem- 
ber. Captain Aernouts applied for leave to come up to 
town to repair his ship and dispose of his plunder. He 
showed Governor Leverett his commission, which author- 
ized him to make conquest of French territory and to make 
prize of French goods. Governor Leverett had already 
some weeks before been made acquainted with the conquest 
of Acadie.-^ He suffered Aernouts to bring the Flying 
Horse into the inner harbor. The Colony gladly purchased 
the cannon taken from the ruined forts of Acadie for the 
castle in the harbor, which had been destroyed by fire a few 
months before.^ The inhabitants or traders of Boston pur- 
chased the rest of the plunder. 

No sooner had Captain Aernouts reached Boston than 
the fur traders applied to him for leave to trade in Acadie, 
now New Holland. This was refused. The subordinate 
Dutch officers and men claimed that the conquest had been 
made by the sword, at the hazard of their lives, and that the 
trade, which was valuable, belonged to them. The Boston 
traders, however, hurried away their vessels to Acadie with- 
out leave or license, and without paying therefor. The 
French had always exacted large customs for this liberty. 

When Captain Aernouts was ready to sail, about the last 
of October or the first of November, he went to take leave 
of Governor Leverett. The Governor boldly asked him if 
he had left any of his men to keep possession of Acadie, or 
New Holland. The captain replied that he had not. The 

^ Governor Leverett's letter to John on fire and was burned ; only the pow- 

Collins, Aug. 24, 1674 (Hutchinson's der saved, and most of the officers' and 

Coll., Prince Soc. Ed., ii. 465). soldiers' goods" (Hull's Diary, in Ar- 

2 March 21, 1673-4, " Our Castle fell ch^eol. Amer., iii. 235). — H. 



V 



Conquest of Acadie. i43 

Governor then asked him if he had given a copy of his com- 
mission to any one ; and he said he had not, nor would he, 
for he would not be responsible for the actions of others. 
This is Leverett's version of this conversation. 

The Flying Horse sailed from Boston, and I have no 
further account of her or of her commander. She left in 
Boston two of her men, afterwards styled Dutch officers, 

Peter Roderigo and Cornelis Andreson, — both destined 

to have a notable career during the next twelve months. 
Capt. John Rhoade, the pilot, and John Williams, a Cor- 
nishman, were also left behind. Before sailing. Captain 
Aernouts gave these men and their associates authority to 
return to New Holland, and there trade and keep posses- 
sion till further order from their great master in Holland, 
or from himself. The two Dutch officers and Rhoade re- 
solved to proceed to New Holland and keep possession 
and carry on trade with the Indians till a Dutch force and 
government should be sent there. They purchased one 
vessel and hired another, and armed as well as they could. 
They persuaded four or five Englishmen to join them in 
this enterprise. Governor Leverett suspected the design of 
these men, and sent for Rhoade and demanded of him what 
he intended. Rhoade told him he was going eastward to 
trade. The Governor then asked him whether he or any of 
his company did not go there to take vessels that were 
coasting and trading. Rhoade replied that they did not; 
that they had no commission to do so. This is the Gov- 
ernor's report of the conversation.^ 

1 Answer of the Governor and Council, Oct. 5, 1676, to the King's letter of 
Feb. 18, 1675-6. See Appendix, No. 16. 



144 Conquest of Acadie. 

By the ist of December following, the flag of the Prince 
of Orange waved from the topmast of these two vessels 
making their way into the Penobscot Bay. They visited 
Pentagoet, where they had the first struggle with the 
French four months previous. They found the French 
inhabitants still quietly submitting to the authority of the 
Prince of Orange. The English at Pemaquid had been 
there during the absence of the Dutch, and treated the 
inhabitants with some insolence, and carried away the iron 
and other articles found in the ruins of the fort. Proceed- 
ing farther eastward, they soon met some of the Boston 
vessels that had been trading in Acadie. They recognized 
some persons who had been refused in Boston leave to 
come there. They seized these vessels, and took from 
them the peltry and other articles that had come from 
Acadie. They then dismissed the officers and crews, and 
bade them begone out of the jurisdiction of the Prince 
of Orange, for the trade and possession there belonged 
to the Dutch. 

Of the four vessels seized and released, two were of 
Boston, one was of Salem, and one of Pascataqua. Both 
Boston vessels had been warned by the Dutch officer 
while in Boston not to go to New Holland under penalty 
of seizure and forfeiture. 

At Machias they set up an establishment for trade, but 
it had not been there long when a Boston vessel put in, 
and, being the strongest, overcame the Dutch, pulled down 
the flag of the Prince of Orange, plundered and destroyed 
their house, and made prisoners of their men. Proceeding 
onward towards the St. John River, they met with informa- 



Conquest of Acadie. 145 

tion that the French at Gemesic had revolted and returned 
to their former allegiance, and that a Boston vessel had 
transported thither a French force from Port Royal. The 
two Dutch vessels appear to have kept away all traders that 
came there afterwards, and the Dutch continued their trade 
for the next four months without further disturbance. 

Meantime news was carried to Boston of the seizure of 
Boston vessels at the eastward by persons under Dutch 
colors, and was attracting public attention in the New 
England metropolis. The bark Philip, — an ominous name, 
— seized by them, belonged to John Freake and Samuel 
Shrimpton, merchants of Boston. Freake complained to 
Governor Leverett that his vessel had been piratically 
seized by John Rhoade and his associates, and asked 
that a force might be sent to seize them and to bring 
them to Boston. He desired that Capt. Samuel Mosley, 
a person destined to achieve great eminence in Indian 
warfare in a few months, might be put in command of 
the force to be sent out.^ Mosley had recently been in 
command of an armed vessel which had cruised about 
Nantucket, by order of the Massachusetts authorities, to 
protect Boston interests against suspected hostilities by the 
Dutch of New Orange. He was an able and experienced 
officer. 

The Governor and Assistants, after considering this 
application, and seeing the advantage it would be to have 
Acadie open to Boston trade, and not favoring the Dutch 
for neighbors, ordered Captain Mosley to proceed there 
with sufficient force, and to " seize and surprise, and bring 

1 His vessel was seized Dec. 4, 1674. See Appendix, No. 7. 

19 



146 Conquest of Acadie. 

them forthwith to Boston." All ships in Boston harbor 
bound eastward were ordered to stay till Captain Mosley 
had sailed ; and great care was taken to prevent intelli- 
gence of the expedition getting abroad. This was the mid- 
dle of February, 1674-5.^ The master of Freake's vessel, 
the Philip, was George Manning ; he was wounded at the 
time he was captured by the Dutch. After being taken he 
attempted to get away, and offered some violence to his 
captors. They proposed to set him adrift in a boat, and 
to keep his vessel. At length he offered to join them, 
and to let them have his vessel and crew at eight pounds 
per month. They agreed, and hired his men; Dutch colors 
were immediately hung out on the Philip, the Puritan 
trader.^ 

The first Spring month of the memorable year 1675 
found everything going smoothly in New Holland. A 
brisk trade had been carried on with the Indians, and 
great gains were assured. The southern and eastern hori- 
zon was watched daily to discover the tricolored flag of the 
United Provinces over a fleet coming to the assistance of 
the men who were holding the territory against the French. 
Happy dreams of the future of this new and rich Province 
annexed to the Fatherland cheered this little company in 
their wintry toils. At length there suddenly appeared an 
armed vessel wearing an English flag, bearing down on 
them. 

Captain Mosley had taken a French vessel to his 
assistance, and provided her with men and ammunition. 

^ See Appendix, No. 8. 

"^ See Manning's Deposition, Appendix, No. 9. 



Conquest of A cadie. 147 

Manning, who had gone into the Dutch service, at once 
revolted, and while yet the Dutch flag waved from his 
topmast, poured a fire into the Dutch vessels. The 
French vessel wore her national colors. The Dutch were 
thoroughly confused by the attack on them by vessels 
under different colors, and after a short and sharp con- 
flict they surrendered to Captain Mosley. 

The Dutch force were made close prisoners, and their 
vessels were plundered of the peltry gained by a wjinter 
trade, and of all the goods that remained for future use. 
These trade goods were taken by Boston traders of 
Captain Mosley's company, and the Indian traffic was 
continued by them. 

Captain Mosley immediately sailed for Boston, with his 
captives and their vessels, where he arrived April 2, 1675. 
The prisoners were at once put in close confinement. The 
Governor and Assistants assembled in Cambridge on the 
7th of the same month, to consider what should now 
be done in this matter. They ordered that four of the 
pirates, as they termed the captives, be confined in the 
prison at Cambridge; and that the Dutch vessels with 
their furniture be appraised and left in the hands of Mr. 
John Freake, the Boston merchant, who had made com- 
plaint of the alleged piratical acts of the Dutch in Acadie, 
and had suffered loss thereby.^ All the prisoners were 
next examined as to their connection with the affair com- 
plained of, and their answers reduced to w^riting. They 
frankly declared what they had done, and justified their 
acts.^ A special Court of Admiralty, consisting of the 

» Mass. Arch., Ixi. 80. 2 See Appendix, No. 10. 



148 Conqticst of Acadie. 

Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Board of Assistants, was 
thereupon summoned to meet in Boston on the 17th of 
May, to try these men. 

While the prisoners were waiting for trial, a dreadful 
calamity happened in Boston and saddened the whole com- 
munity. On the fourth day of May, two weeks before the 
Court of Admiralty assembled, an English vessel arrived 
in the harbor from Virginia. While John Freake, the 
merchant who had set on foot the expedition against 
the Dutch in Acadie, and Captain Scarlett, a distinguished 
shipmaster and merchant, one of the appraisers of the 
Dutch vessels, were in the great cabin of this English 
vessel, she was suddenly blown up. Freake was taken up 
dead, and the supercargo survived only a few hours. Cap- 
tain Scarlett died next day. Nine others were wounded.^ 
The great Increase Mather preached a sermon, which is 
printed, "Occasioned by this awful Providence."^ 

On the day appointed. May 17, the Court assembled 
in Boston to try the prisoners. The Governor, Deputy- 
Governor, and the Assistants, ten in number, were pres- 
ent on the Bench. Every member of this judicial assembly 
bore a name that is historic in the annals of Massachu- 
setts. At the head of the Court sat the venerable Governor 
Leverett, many years Major-General of the Colony, experi- 
enced in war and in civil affairs, the ablest chief magistrate 
the Colony ever had. As before stated, he had been a 

1 Hull's Diary (Archaeol. Amer., iii. the Colony had been done at Cambridge. 

240) ; Bradstreet's Journal (New Eng. Mather was at this time one of the li- 

Hist. & Gene. Reg., viii. 329). censers of the Press. For the full title 

- This was one of the first two works of this sermon, see Sibley's Harvard 

printed in Boston. Hitherto, printing in Graduates, i. 440. — H. 



Conquest of Acadie. 149 

joint commander of the English fleet that made conquest 
of Acadie in 1654, and for many years was military gov- 
ernor of that Province. Next to him sat Samuel Symonds, 
the Deputy-Governor. Of the Assistants, the highest in 
public regard was Simon Bradstreet, destined not only to 
succeed Leverett in the offlce of chief magistrate, but to 
live to be the Nestor of the Colony. Although then more 
than threescore and ten years of age, it may be said that 
in a large degree his eye was undimmed and his natural 
force unabated. The other Assistants also were able and 
venerable men known all over New England.^ 

This Court quickly declared the two Dutch vessels 
seized by Captain Mosley, and their cargoes, lawful prize, 
and decreed that they be delivered to the heirs of Freake 
in satisfaction for the injury done to the Philip, the heirs 
first paying the charges of the Court, ofificers' fees, etc. 
The Court then adjourned one week. 

When the Court reassembled, the grand jury presented 
indictments against all the prisoners, Dutch and English, 
charging them with having committed acts of piracy on 
the high seas, and specifying their dealings with the cap- 
tured vessels.^ The trial proceeded against Peter Roderigo 
and Cornells Andreson, the two Dutch officers, chiefs of the 
party. The foreman of the trial jury first named was John 
Checkley, brother of Anthony Checkley, the first Attorney- 
General of Massachusetts under the Charter of 1692 ; but on 
objection by the prisoners Benjamin Gillam was substituted. 

1 Daniel Gookin, Daniel Denison, son, John Rhoade, Peter Grant, Rich- 
Richard Russell, Thomas Danforth, ard Fulford {alias Fowler), Randall 
William Hathorne, Simon Willard, Judson, John Williams, and John 
Edward Tynjr, William Stoughton, and Tiiomas. For the indictment in the 
Thomas Clarke. case of Roderigo, and other papers, 

2 Peter Roderigo, Cornelis Andre- see Appendix, No, ii. 



150 Conquest of Acadie. 

The jury returned a verdict of guilty against Roderi- 
go, and the Court sentenced him to death. He prayed 
for leave to ask the General Court, then in session, 
for his life, and his petition was allowed.^ A full par- 
don was granted to him before the end of the May 
session.^ 

Cornells Andreson was found not guilty of piracy, as 
charged in the indictment. The Court, however, was not 
satisfied with this verdict, and sent the jury out again 
with these instructions, — " to find what they could against 
him"! The jury found him guilty of "theft and robbery," 
on the evidence that he had taken several moose, beaver, 
and marten skins from one of the Boston vessels. He too 
was subsequently pardoned.^ 

This Cornells Andreson is without much doubt that 
mysterious Dutchman mentioned by all our old historians 
and writers of that period, who figured so conspicuously in 
King Philip's War under Captain Mosley. Some of his ex- 
ploits were heroic. Who he was or whence he came has 
not been known till now. It is not improbable that these 
men are the " Buccaneers " referred to by historians as 
going with Captain Mosley against Philip near the end of 
June. 

The defence of these men before the Court was set down 
in writing, and fortunately the manuscript is preserved. 
The whole subject is handled with skill and learning, and 
with an enlightened and comprehensive view of the public 
law of that day. The facts are stated with clearness, and 
the arguments are both forcible and luminous. 

^ Records of Court of Admiralty in 2 jvi^y 12, 1675 (Mass. Rec, v. 40). 

the flics of the County of Suffolk. ^ Mass. Arch., Ixi. 109. 



Conquest of Acadie. 1 5 1 

The main defence was that Captain Aernouts had law- 
ful authority to make conquest of Acadie, and to hold the 
same for the States-General of the United Provinces; that 
Massachusetts had recognized the validity of this authority 
by permitting Captain Aernouts to bring the French pris- 
oners and plunder to Boston after the conquest, and that 
in keeping possession and driving away intruders from 
Boston and elsewhere they acted as lawful agents of the 
Prince of Orange, who was their superior, and to whom 
any person or government should look for reparation for 
injuries. Under the circumstances of the case they rightly 
contended that they were not guilty of piracy, and that this 
was a matter of diplomacy to be settled between the gov- 
ernments of England and the United Provinces. Who 
prepared this defence I cannot even find ground for con- 
jecture. Whoever it was, I should judge his vernacular 
was not English. Roderigo and Andreson were both illit- 
erate men, and their English associates, except Fulford, 
were not much better.^ 

The Court adjourned — for what reason does not appear 

to the 17th of June, and then took up the charges 

against the remaining six prisoners. On being brought to 
the bar each put in a plea of not guilty, and presented the 
written defence made in behalf of Roderigo and Andreson 
as his own, expecting, of course, an acquittal, or a pardon 
in case of conviction, as had been granted to the Dutch 
officers. 

Richard Fulford, John Rhoade the Dutch pilot, Peter 
Grant, and Randall Judson were each found guilty of 

1 For the full text of this defence see Appendix No. 12. 



152 Conquest of Acadie. 

piracy; and the Court at once passed sentence, directing 
them to be executed on the first day of July, "presently 
after the lecture," and ordered warrants to issue accord- 
ingly. The other two prisoners, John Thomas and John 
Williams, were acquitted and discharged. 

When the day of execution of the four Englishmen 
arrived, the Massachusetts Government was wholly un- 
fitted for the task it had assumed. King Philip had been 
one week on the war-path, and every person in eastern 
Massachusetts stood fearful of the awful issue presented 
by the enraged red man. Their execution was respited 
from time to time, till near the end of the year, when they 
were set free on hard conditions. Fulford was, however, 
early released without conditions. He belonged in Mus- 
congus, and had married a daughter of Richard Pearce. 
I suppose him to have been originally of Devonshire, Eng- 
land, and of an ancient and illustrious family.^ 

Rhoade, Grant, and Judson were required to pay prison 
charges, and find sureties that they would leave Massachu- 
setts and not return. If they failed in this they were to 
be executed on the last day of December, 1675.^ They 
complied, and went into banishment. 

When the Directors of the Dutch West India Company, 
in Amsterdam, heard of this conquest of the Dutch arms 
in Acadie, they awoke to new enterprises. Their first ac- 
tion, Sept. II, 1676, was to recognize the services of John 
Rhoade of Boston, the famous pilot of the Dutch cruiser, 

^ Fulford was indicted, tried, sen- Tuttle had fully satisfied himself that 

tenced, and pardoned, under the name "Fowler" was an assumed name. — H. 
of Fowler, and under this name he pe- ^ Mass. Rec, v. 66. 

titioned the General Court; but Mr. 



Conquest of Acadie. 153 

in making the conquest. They authorized him to hold 
possession of Acadie, and to carry on unlimited trade with 
the natives.^ A month later the Directors commissioned 
Cornelis Steenwyck, distinguished for eminent services in 
the late Dutch government of New York, to be Governor 
of Acadie.^ More than two years had elapsed since the 
conquest was made, and the French had now fully repos- 
sessed themselves of Acadie. The return of the French 
was not probably then known in Amsterdam. Besides, 
peace had not been concluded between France and the 
United Provinces. If the West India Company indulged 
any expectation that Acadie would remain to Holland by 
the express terms of any treaty of peace, they were mis- 
taken. The Treaty of Nimeguen was signed a year after 
issuing these commissions, and no mention is therein made 
of the Dutch conquest of Acadie. 

The action of Massachusetts in this affair was prompted 
by a selfish policy, and a constant dislike of the French 
and Dutch for neis^hbors. Both these nations understood 
this, and then and there declared it to be their belief. While 
Massachusetts was separated from the Dutch by other 
English Colonies, she was content to let them alone ; but 
when they removed into a district adjoining her at the 
eastward, she was not content till they were dislodged. 

It was a monstrous thing to charge persons acting under 
the commission and flag of a foreign prince with acts of 
piracy, and hold them amenable to municipal laws. It was 
as if some foreign State should make the acts of the offi- 
cers and men of one of our public vessels, done in pursu- 

1 See Appendix, No. 13. ^ See Appendix, No. 13. 

20 



154 Conquest of Acadie. 

ance of a commission or instructions from their superiors, 
piracy, and undertake to punish them in a foreign juris- 
diction. Acts done in the manner of these Dutch officers 
and their associates were clearly a matter between the 
United Provinces and England, and so the matter was 
regarded outside Massachusetts Bay. 

The Government of Massachusetts was sure to act on 
the safe side. Although there was peace between the 
Dutch and English, the former were still in a death strug- 
gle in Europe with the French, and hence had neither fleet 
nor army to spare, to avenge the act of Massachusetts. 
Besides, it knew well the indifference of Charles II. to any 
wrongs that might be inflicted on the Dutch. 

But this affair did not end in Boston, nor with the trial 
and condemnation of the Dutch officers and their associates 
in the early Summer of 1675. When news of the capture 
of these persons by Captain Mosley under the authority 
of Massachusetts, and of their imprisonment in Boston, 
reached the States-General, they immediately instructed 
their ambassador in England to lay their complaint before 
the King, to demand that he visit the offenders with exem- 
plary punishment, give orders for the release of the pris- 
oners, and for the restoration to the Dutch of the forts 
captured by Captain Aernouts in 1674. The ambassador 
of the States-General accordingly, on the 5th of August 
following, obeyed the instructions given him.^ It does not 
appear that immediate attention was paid to the complaint 
of the States-General, and it would seem that their am- 
bassador renewed his presentation of the complaint on the 

* See Appendix, No. 14. 



Conquest of Ac adie. 155 

2 2d of January, 1676. Thereupon, and perhaps for the 
first time, the complaint was considered by the King in 
Council; and on the i8th of February the King, through 
Secretary Williamson, addressed a letter to the Governor 
and Council of Massachusetts, inclosing a copy of the com- 
plaint, and required them " to return a speedy answer." ^ 

The King's letter came to the hands of the Governor 
and Council Sept. 3, 1676. At a session of the General 
Court held on the 5th of October it was ordered that a 
reply be sent to the King in answer to the complaint of the 
Dutch ambassador. 

The answer of the Governor and Council, probably drawn 
up by Governor Leverett, was characterized by assurance 
and indifference. It recited the principal facts, and claimed 
that the authority given to the Dutch ofifTcers by Captain 
Aernouts was restricted "to trade and keep the country 
and sail upon the coast, for doing which they were not 
seized and imprisoned, but for piratically seizing the ves- 
sels and goods that belonged to his Majesty's subjects." 
They said also that Cornelis Andreson was the only 
Dutchman of the party, and he was not found guilty of 
piracy; that Roderigo was a Flanderkin, and the others 
English ; that they all had " acknowledged the justness of 
the Court's proceedings," and had their lives granted to 
them, and had been banished the Colony on pain of death ; 
that what had been done was not because the English 
would not suffer any Hollanders to be near them (as was 
alleged in the said complaint), but to suppress piratical 
practices of English, Dutch, and other nations. The an- 

1 See Appendix, No. 15. 



156 Conquest of Acadie. 

swer concluded by protesting that there had not been any 
violation of the peace between the two nations.^ 

This answer was sent to the King by the hands of two 
agents of the Massachusetts Colony.^ It is probable that 
there was no further correspondence on this subject for a 
year or more. The States-General could not hope for any 
nice justice from the English Court at that time; and had 
the authorities of Massachusetts executed the sentences of 
the Court upon the Dutch officers and their associates, the 
result would not probably have been different. 

It has already been mentioned that soon after the Dutch 
West India Company learned of the capture of Acadie by 
Captain Aernouts in 1674, they commissioned Cornells 
Steenwyck, of New York, to be Governor of Nova Scotia 
and Acadie. His commission bears date Oct. 27, 1676. 
It has also been stated that on the nth of September of 
the same year the Company, recognizing the services of 
the aforesaid John Rhoade, in connection with the pro- 
ceedings of Captain Aernouts in 1674, had given him a 
commission " to take possession of the coasts and coun- 
tries of Nova Scotia and Acadie, to trade with the natives, 
and all others with whom the aforesaid Company is in 
peace and alliance." Steenwyck was furnished with a 
copy of the commission given to Rhoade, and was in- 
structed to respect it.^ 

It does not appear that anything was done by Steen\vyck 
under his commission. Rhoade, however, undertook to use 
the privilege and authority conferred upon him, and got 

1 See Appendix, No i6. ^ p^r the commissions to Aernouts, 

- William Stoughton and Peter Steenwyck. and Rhoade, respectively, 
Bulkeley. see Appendix, No. 13. 



Conquest of Acadie. 157 

into trouble. In the course of his proceedings he entered 
with a vessel and goods into the river St. George, it was 
alleged, which was in the territory claimed by the Duke of 
York, and undertook to trade there. For this he was taken 
prisoner by Capt. Cassar Knapton, a relative of Sir Ed- 
mund Andros, then in command of that region, and to- 
getlier with his vessel and goods was sent to New York. 

When the news of this proceeding reached the Dutch 
West India Company, they laid the matter before the 
Lords of the States-General. The latter instructed their 
ambassador at the English Court to demand the release 
and indemnification of said Rhoade, and that the King's 
subjects in America be interdicted from interfering with 
the Dutch commerce and other rights of the States-General 
in Acadie. This was on the 21st of May, 1679. This 
complaint and demand were renewed in August. The 
King responded, August 8, that he had directed an inquiry 
to be made into the affair, and when he had received a 
report he would then take such further measures as justice 
and the good correspondence between the two nations re- 
quired. The correspondence on this subject was continued 
for some time, but it does not appear that any results 
followed. 

There can be no doubt that if competent Dutch forces had 
promptly occupied the forts and coasts of Acadie after their 
conquest in 1674, the French of New France could not have 
expelled them. France herself was then too much occu- 
pied in her struggle in Europe with the United Provinces, 
to send aid to New France. It is highly probable, how- 
ever, that Massachusetts would have joined the French in 



158 Conquest of Acadie. 

the recovery of Acadie rather than have permitted the 
Dutch to secure a permanent foothold there. The prover- 
bial industry and thrift of the Dutch people would soon 
have made their New Holland a great Province, and wor- 
thy of its renowned namesake in the Old World. It would 
have been a formidable rival of Massachusetts and greatly 
lessened her supremacy in New England. Danforth, a 
leading man in the Colony, expressed Massachusetts views 
accurately when, a few years later, he wrote as follows : — 

There being no wars between Holland and France, some are 
fearful lest the Hollanders should essay the possessing themselves 
of Canada ; and though it is hopeful they may prove better neigh- 
bors than the French, yet, considering the damage that will thereby 
be sustained by the Crown of England, in loss of fishery, masting, 
furs, etc., it were better to expend two or three thousand pounds for 
the gaining that place, than that the French, or Dutch either, should 
have it.^ 

These events, which stretched over the whole period of 
King Philip's Indian War, and involved the interests of 
three great nations, have received but little attention from 
our historians. The magnitude of the war in Europe threw 
into the shade all other and more remote transactions of 
that time. Hutchinson mentions this affair in a note of 
four lines, in his history, and blunders by making two con- 
quests of Acadie, — one in 1674 and another in 1676. 
Williamson adds nothing to Hutchinson. Neither Ban- 
croft nor Palfrey refers to it. Munro, in his History of 
Nova Scotia, sets it down as one of Captain Kidd's ad- 
ventures. Charlevoix mentions it, giving some particu- 

^ Letter, April i, 1690, to Sir H. Asliurst (Hutchinson's Hist., i. 353). 



Conquest of Acadie. 159 

lars, but errs in some of his conclusions, not knowing all 
the facts. 

About twenty years ago the commissions to Aernouts 
and Steenwyck, with a copy of the commission to Rhoade,^ 
came into the possession of the New York Historical Soci- 
ety. General De Peyster, of New York, an able writer, 
then read a paper before the Society on " The Dutch at the 
North Pole and the Dutch in Maine." He brought to- 
gether from the historians above named whatever facts they 
relate bearing on this Dutch conquest, but he was obliged 
to leave to conjecture the nature of the transaction. The 
archives of the State of Massachusetts contain a large mass 
of papers relating to this subject, and from these I have 
gathered the principal details in the foregoing narrative. I 
have been fortunate also in obtaining from the British 
state-paper office copies of important papers, and a still 
larger number from the archives of Holland, and the most 
important of these papers will be found in this volume.^ 

In conclusion, it may be said that if the occupancy of 
Acadie by the Dutch had been maintained, it is not improb- 
able that that Province would have passed permanently into 
the possession of the United Provinces. The terms of the 
Treaty of Nimeguen are certainly broad enough to cover 
and protect all the rights which the Dutch had acquired by 
this conquest. If this result had followed, it is not difficult 
to imagine how different would have been the history of 
Acadie and possibly of all New France. 

1 See Appendix, No. 13. ^ see Appendix, No. 17. 



THE REPORT 

OF AN 

INDIAN MASSACRE 



AT 



FOX POINT, NEWINGTON, NEW HAMPSHIRE, 

May, 1C90. 



21 



THE REPORT 

OF AN 

INDIAN MASSACRE 



FOX POINT, NEWINGTON, NEW HAMPSHIRE 

May, 1690. 



T FEAR that I have too long delayed to make public^ 
-■- that, while examining the early records of New Hamp- 
shire, both printed and manuscript, several years ago, I 
most unexpectedly discovered substantial grounds for doubt- 
ing the destruction of Fox Point ^ by a party of Indians in 
May, 1690, as alleged by Cotton Mather in his Magnalia. 
Mather says : — 

But the Arrival of Orders and Soldiers from the Government 
stopt them from retiring any further ; and Hope-Hood, with a Party 



^ Printed, by permission, from the 
Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society, June, 1879. — H. 

2 Fox Point is the northwest angle 
of Newington where Little Bay and the 
Pascataqua River join. It is about half 
a mile long, ending in the river and 
forming a prominent headland on that 



side of the river and bay. Tradition 
says the name originated from the use 
formerly made of this point to snare 
foxes. Reynard, being once driven 
there, could not escape his pursuers 
without swimming the river or bay, 
much too wide for his cunning. 



164 Report of an Indian Massacre 

that staid for further Mischief meeting with some resistence here, 
tiirn'd about and having first had a Skirmish with Captain SJier- 
borti, they appear'd the next Lord's-Day at Newichawannick or Ber- 
wick, where they Burnt some Houses, and Slew a Man. Three 
Days after they came upon a small Hamlet on the South side of 
Piscataqita River, called Fox Point, and besides the Burning of 
several Houses, they took half a Dozen and killed more than a 
Dozen of the too Securely Ungarrisoned People ; which it was as 
easie to do as to have Spoiled an ordinary Hen-Roost } 

For nearly two centuries this account of the massacre 
has circulated in our histories, unchallenged in any respect, 
and always on the authority of Mather. My inquiries led 
me to look for the names of the slain in this reported mas- 
sacre, not doubting but that I should find some, if not 
all. After much research, covering a period of many years, 
I have not discovered anything whatever relating to this 
tragedy, beyond what is contained in the following letter 
written in the night by William Vaughan at Portsmouth, 
and despatched to Governor Bradstreet and the Council 
in Boston. 

PoRTS° 28* May 1690, ten at night.2 

Much Hon"^." I have Soe long & often Informed of the approach 
of y*" Enemy & Danger to w'^'' wee are expos'd for want of releif that 
am not like to be in a Capacity much longer to doe it. Cap' Ger- 
rish, Heard, & Cap! Woodman the Frontier Garrisons of Cochecha 
& Oyster river have Stood their ground w* longing Expectation 
of helpe but none Appearing Cap' Woodman was forc'd to break 
up Yesterday & forthw' the enemy came down that way & by 
Canooes pass't over the river to our Side & this afternoon have 
been killing burning & Destroying wi"'in 3 or 4 miles of Straw- 

1 Magnalia, Book vii. Art. ix. 73. London Ed., 1702. 
^ Mass. Archives, xxxvi. 87. 



at Fox Pointy New Ha7np shire. 165 

berry bank. Bloody Point & the houses above & below are all 
burnt & the people most destroyed : One that Escap'd out of a 
house after it was burning saw 8 or 9 dead belonging to that 
familie, & the Succour we Sent to Weles for that Exigents has 
render'd us uncapable of relieving o"^ Neighbours or defending 
o'selves. Want of Assistance will make all o"" Neighbours round 
us run away & Portsm° will quickly follow their Example unlesse 
pres'" Supply of men, provision & Amunition be Sent to encourage 
their Standing. 

As for that 120 men you were pleased to Advise mee were com- 
ing this way understand they are wholly order'd to y" Province of 
Main & not a man to our Province who are not lesse Expos'd to the 
enemy than they, but neither those 120 men nor Cap' Wiswall 
(wh''' you h^ve Soe often Advis'd off) have appeared to this day as I 
can hear, Save onley about 20 or 30 men that pass'd the great Hand 
this morning into the Province of Main. 

The Ind"' left Nechowonuck after having Dangerously wounded 
one man burn'd Sundry houses &c, Suppose they are the Same now 
upon us whose attempt is bold & Daring & wee not able to oppose 
itt. I can doe noe more than give Ace"' hereof & Soe leave it. Re- 
maining Much Hon"''^, 

Yo' Most humble Ser' 

W^! Vaughan.1 

All the evidence of this reported massacre that I can find 
is contained in this letter and in Mather's narrative quoted 
above. The letter was preserved in the public archives 
when Mather wrote in the year 1698. It seems likely that 
he obtained the substance of his information from it, not- 
withstanding he is more circumstantial in some matters, and 
limits the extent of the destruction of life and property. 

1 William Vaughan was a rich and council of President Cutt and Lieuten- 
prominent merchant in Portsmouth, and ant-Governor Cranfield. 
had been a member of the provincial 



1 66 



Report of mi Indian Massacre 



Both agree that the date of the event was May 28, 1690.^ 
Vaughan undoubtedly wrote in some haste, under much ex- 
citement, and with no better information than what could 
be gathered from the flying reports on the tongues of an 
alarmed people around him. The expectation of an attack 
prepared him to receive such intelligence, and to communi- 
cate it forthwith to the chiefs of the government of Massa- 
chusetts, under whose jurisdiction the Province of New 
Hampshire had again been placed a few months before. 
According to this letter it was believed in Portsmouth that 
the whole collection of houses and nearly all the inhabi- 
tants were destroyed, a calamity too dreadful ever to be 
forgotten. 

The settlement reported to have been ravaged was an 
ancient one, stretching along the south side of the river 
from Fox Point to Bloody Point and beyond.^ Many of 
the inhabitants were leading citizens of Dover, and their 
posterity are there to this day. The public road to Bloody 
Point ferry passed through it, making it known to travel- 
lers, by w^hom it is not unfrequently mentioned in ancient 
records. The settlements of Oyster River, Dover Neck, 
and Strawberry Bank, now Portsmouth, lie around it, only a 



^ Dr. Belknap says, " Sometime in 
May." Farmer places this event after 
Aug. 22, 1690. So little was known of 
it among the best-informed writers in 
former times. See Belknap's Hist, of 
New Hamp., Farmer's Ed., 133, 144. 

"^ All that territory now forming the 
northern half of Newington, bounded 
northerly and easterly on the Pascataqua 
River, was witliin the limits of Dover 
till 17 14, and was generally known by 
the sanguinary name, "Bloody Point." 



The inhabitants, however, even to this 
day, restrict the application of this name 
to that part of it along the river oppo- 
site Hilton's Point, now called, very im- 
properly, Dover Point, more than a 
mile southeasterly of Fox Point. The 
historian Hubbard says that this "for- 
midable name of Bloody Point" came 
from an occurrence there as early as 
1633. It is certain that it has been in 
use there ever since. Coll. Mass. Hist. 
Soc, XV. 217. 



at Fox Point, New Hampshire. 167 

few miles distant. Mather speaks of the comparative secu- 
rity of its position. 

Only a week before this reported massacre a force com- 
posed of French and Indians had utterly destroyed Casco, 
now Portland. A party of the Indians concerned in that 
affair was reported to be advancing toward the Pascataqua 
settlements, killing and destroying on their way. Hun- 
dreds of persons had fled from the east into Portsmouth.-^ 
The inhabitants of that whole region, remembering the 
dreadful fate of Cocheco, and the still more recent one of 
Salmon Falls, were terrified, and put themselves in the best 
state of defence they could, carefully watching the approach 
of the Indians. .In such an excited state of the public 
mind, a rumor easily started and soon became reported as 
a fact. 

No one acquainted with the Indian mode of attacking 
settlements will readily believe the statement in the letter 
that this massacre took place in the afternoon ; for the 
inhabitants were at such a time not only prepared to de- 
fend themselves, but to spread an alarm to other places, 
so as to cut off the escape of the Indians, then in the 
heart of the English settlements. The smoke of burn- 
ing buildings would instantly spread information of the pres- 
ence of the Indians to the neighboring settlements. There 
is hardly an instance recorded in the history of Indian 
warfare in New England where such attacks were not 
made in the morning, at daybreak or just before, taking 
the inhabitants by surprise and when least able to resist 



and give an alarm. 



1 Mass. Archives, xxxvi. 77. 



1 68 Report of an Indian Massacre 

The leading, if not the sole, object of the Indians in these 
attacks was to secure captives for the ransom to be had for 
surrendering them to their friends, and to seize and carry 
away as much plunder as they could with convenience and 
safety. Any frontier settlement contained all they desired, 
besides affording them great advantages of attack, and also 
of escape. In executing their wicked design they killed 
only such English as actually opposed them. But accord- 
ing to this letter the Indians, in this instance, took an 
entirely different course from what they ever did before or 
since. They passed a frontier settlement whose garrison 
they knew had withdrawn, crossed a broad river or bay with 
houses along the shores, and in the daytime destroyed an 
old settlement, and massacred the inhabitants with whom it 
does not appear they ever had the least difference. 

Mather's account is brief and in general terms, too much 
so to have a real transaction for a basis. He does not srive 
the name of a captive, or the name of one of the slain, nor 
mention the age and sex. Neither does he give the number 
slain. That he made Fox Point the scene of the massacre 
may be owing to his ignorance of the extent of the applica- 
tion of the local names in that region. Vaughan, who was 
well acquainted there, says that " Bloody Point and the 
houses above and below " were destroyed. This would 
include Fox Point. 

It seems impossible that a tragedy of this magnitude 
should have happened, then and there, without leaving in 
the records of the time more direct evidence than a mere 
rumor, — for such the statement in this letter must be re- 
garded. It is hardly possible that a family of eight or nine 



at Fox Point, New Hampshire. 169 

persons should be slain, and the name not preserved. So 
memorable an event ought to be found among the oral tra- 
ditions of the present inhabitants of that region, many of 
whom are descended from the slain or their kindred, if the 
report be true. 

I made inquiries for records and oral traditions of this 
reported massacre, and others did for me, of persons now 
living at Fox Point and the region around, without finding 
either. There is a belief among them that it actually oc- 
curred, because, as many said, it is related by historians, 
and the region has been known ever since as " Bloody 
Point " ! No one there could give, or ever remembered to 
have heard, the name of any person slain or made captive ; 
nor had they ever heard that any of their ancestors or kin- 
dred were among the slain or captive. 

It is fair to presume that Dr. Belknap, who lived many 
years near the site of the reported massacre, and only three 
quarters of a century after it is said to have occurred, never 
found any evidence of it during his extensive historical re- 
searches, since he relates the affair wholly on the authority 
of Mather. Other historians before and since Belknap 
have related the story always on the same authority. Some 
have indulged in a little variation as to the sex and number 
killed, Mather having said nothing as to the former, and 
left the whole number killed indefinite, showing how slen- 
der his information must have been on these points. 

The negative evidence seems to me strong. On the 30th 
of May Governor Bradstreet, to whom the letter was de- 
spatched on the night of the 28th of May, giving notice of 
the attack on Bloody Point, wrote a letter from Boston to 



1 70 Report of an Indian Massacre 

Jacob Leisler, then at the head of the government of New 
York, explaining the recall of the military force of Massa- 
chusetts Bay while on its way to Albany to join the army 
designed for the conquest of Canada. He says this was 
done to protect the eastern inhabitants from the Indians, 
who had already destroyed Casco, and made assaults on 
Wells and Kittery. He makes no mention of the destruc- 
tion of Bloody Point, of which he had been informed the 
day before.^ This makes it quite certain that contradiction 
followed upon the heels of Vaughan's letter. 

Judge Sewall of Boston kept a diary in which most con- 
siderable matters of public concern are set down, particu- 
larly Indian massacres. He makes no mention of this 
affair, although he had often been at Bloody Point. Cap- 
tain Lawrence Hammond of Charlestown, experienced in 
military affairs, also kept a diary at that time, in which no 
mention is made of this massacre. Both these original 
diaries are in the archives of this Society. 

I will cite but one more authority, and that is conclusive, 
that no such destruction of Fox Point as Mather relates, 
ever occurred. 

At the time of the reported massacre, the Rev. John Pike 
was living in Portsmouth, only four miles distant from the 
scene of the massacre, and was keeping a diar}^ of current 
local events. This diary is now printed in the Proceedings 
of this Society.^ Mr. Pike had only the year before removed 
from Dover, where he had been minister for many years. 
He afterwards returned, and was living there when Mather 

^ Documentary History of New ^ Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc, 

York, ii. 259, 260. Sept. 1875, 121-152. 



at Fox Point, New Hampshire. 171 

wrote. Fox Point as well as Bloody Point was in his par- 
ish, little more than a mile from his residence, and in plain 
view. He must have known every inhabitant there. Yet 
Mr. Pike makes no mention whatever in his diary of this 
Indian attack, while his habit of recording events warrants 
the mention of the least injury done by Indians to any of 
his former parish. Mather says he was indebted to Mr. 
Pike for many passages in his history of that war.^ Cer- 
tainly he did not furnish the facts for the lame account in 
Mather's narrative, and omit to make record of such an 
event in his diary. 

I may add that I find no mention of this massacre in any 
of the French histories of that period. 

^ Magnalia, Book vii. 65. 



ESTABLISHMENT 



OF THE 



ROYAL PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT 
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

1680. 




ESTABLISHMENT 

OF THE 

ROYAL PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENT 
OF NEW HAMPSHIRE.^ 

1680. 




HE event which we commemorate on this occa- 
sion is the most memorable in the annals of 
New Hampshire. This event is no less than 
the organization of the first lawful government 
over the Province of New Hampshire, the es- 
tablishment of a political existence which has now endfired 
for two centuries. It is no less an event than the emancipa- 
tion of the first generation of settlers on this soil from the 
bondage of an usurper, and the recovery of their birthright 
and independence. The year 1680 is commonly regarded 
as the end of the first period of New Hampshire history. It 



1 This address was delivered before 
the Historical Society of New Hamp- 
shire, at a special meeting convened at 
Portsmouth, Dec. 29, 1880, — the two 
hundredth anniversary of the establish- 
ment of a royal provincial government 
over New Hampshire. The address 



has been printed by that Society in 
vol. i. of their Proceedings, 1876-1888, 
and is here reproduced with their con- 
sent. The author had intended to en- 
large the address before its publication 
by the Society, but was prevented by his 
failing health and sudden death. — H. 



176 EstablisJiment of the Royal Provincial 

seems to me this period is properly divided into two : The 
first, beginning in 1623, and ending in 1641, during which 
the first settlements were made, and four towns had arrived 
at maturity; the second period beginning with the extension 
of the jurisdiction of Massachusetts over the towns and the 
entire Province, and ending with the establishment of a 
government over New Hampshire, raising it to the dig- 
nity of a British Province in the year 1680. I shall now 
briefly consider the events of these two periods, particu- 
larly those leading to the establishment of a royal govern- 
ment in 1680. 

In the year 1620 James I. of England granted to forty 
persons, consisting of nobles, knights, and gentlemen, all the 
territory in North America lying between the 40th and the 
48th degree of north latitude, and between the Atlantic and 
Pacific Oceans, with power to govern the same. This asso- 
ciation was styled " The Council established at Plymouth, 
in the county of Devon, for the planting, ordering, ruling, 
and governing of New England in America." To this vast 
extent of territory was given the name New England. Ex- 
cept a few scattered English settlements on the coast of 
Maine, it was still an unbroken wilderness throughout. 
The Council proceeded to make small grants of their terri- 
tory along the Atlantic coast to such Englishmen as desired 
to make plantations in America. In 1622 this Council 
granted to Capt. John Mason, who had just returned to 
England from Newfoundland, where he had been governor 
of a colony of English for seven years, all the land lying 
along the Atlantic from Naumkeag River to the Merrimack 
River, and extending back to the heads of those rivers. 



Government of New Hampshire. 177 

This tract of land was then and there named Mariana, and, 
I submit, in compliment to the Spanish Infanta, to whom 
Prince Charles of England was then afifianced, and not in 
compliment to the Princess Henrietta Maria, as historians 
will have it. In 1622 the Council granted to Captain Mason 
and Sir Ferdinando Gorges all the land lying between the 
Merrimack River and the Kennebec River, extending sixty 
miles inland, and this was called the Province of Maine. 
This grant included what was afterward New Hampshire. 
Seven years later, in 1629, Mason and Gorges divided their 
grant of the Province of Maine, Mason taking that part ly- 
ing between the Merrimack River and the Pascataqua River, 
and naming it New Hampshire. The Council confirmed 
this to him by a grant. This is the first appearance of the 
name New Hampshire in New England, and it survives to- 
day, the only name of an English county applied to any of 
the States.^ 

In 1628 the Council granted to several persons or asso- 
ciates, known afterwards as the Colony of Massachusetts 
Bay, a tract of land lying between Charles River on the 
south and the Merrimack River on the north, and extending 
three miles beyond these two rivers, and east and west from 
the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean. The Council had never 
hitherto made a grant of such an enormous extent of terri- 
tory and of limits extending beyond the rivers that bounded 
it. A patent so ample was regarded with astonishment, 
especially as it covered Mason's patent, Mariana, and also 
Capt. Robert Gorges' patent of Massachusetts Bay. This 

^ The State of New York was so named in honor of the Duke of York, 
afterwards James II. — H. 

23 



1 78 EstablisJmient of the Royal Provincial 

mischievous grant not only broke up the Council at last, but 
gave trouble for one hundred years to all the Colonies that 
bounded on it. 

In the Spring of 1623, David Thomson, with a small 
company, established himself at Little Harbor, at the 
mouth of the Pascataqua River, on the large grant that 
had been made to Mason and Gorges only the year be- 
fore. So far as known, this was the first settlement in this 
State. About the same time a settlement was made at 
Dover.-^ For fourteen years these were the only settlements 
in New Hampshire. Hampton was settled in 1637 by peo- 
ple from Massachusetts; Exeter in 1638 by Wheelwright 
and others banished from Massachusetts. Captain Mason 
had great expectations of making his Province worthy of 
his efforts. His employment at home as paymaster and 
treasurer of the army in the wars with Spain and France 
had prevented his visiting his American Province. He had 
sent agents and servants with all necessary articles to make 
a plantation and look for mines. In 1635 he was made 
Vice-Admiral of New England, and was preparing to come 
hither when he fell ill and died, to the great comfort of 

^ It is not possible, with our present ings of Mass. Hist. Soc. for May, 1876; 
information, to fix the date of the first Jenness's Notes on the First Plant- 
settlement of Dover, or more properly ing of New Hampshire, 14-24; and 
Hilton's Point, now called Dover Neck. Tuttle's Memoir of Capt. John Ma- 
It was probably at least four or five son, 18. All these authorities discredit 
years after the settlement made in 1623 the vague statement of Hubbard, from 
by David Thomson and others at Pan- which it has been inferred that he as- 
naway. or Little Harbor, at the mouth signed the year 1623 as the date of the 
of the Pascataqua. See Declaration of settlement at Hilton's Point. But see 
Allen, Shapleigh, and Lake, in Belknap note 18 in Tuttle's Memoir of Mason, 
(Farmer's ed.), 435, and Prov. Papers by the editor of that work, showing that 
of New Hamp., i. 159; Notes on an In- for some time before his death Mr. 
denture of David Thomson and others, Tuttle was inclined to place more reli- 
by Charles Deane, LL.D., in Proceed- ance on Hubbard's statements. — H. 



Government of New Hampshire. 1 79 

Massachusetts Bay. He was an unflinching royalist and 
churchman, — a neighbor that the Bay much disliked.^ 

No sooner was Mason dead, than dreams of aggrandize- 
ment visited the leading minds of the Bay. They had dis- 
covered that the Merrimack River, after running southerly 
fifty or sixty miles, turned and ran easterly thirty or forty 
miles to the Atlantic Ocean. They construed their patent 
to mean that their northern bounds should be three miles 
north of the northernmost point of Merrimack River, and 
from that point run east to the Atlantic Ocean and west to 
the Pacific. It was plain enough to see that such a con- 
struction would not only take into their jurisdiction all 
Mason's patent, but most of Gorges' in Maine. Their east 
line ran into Casco Bay, and all south of it, to the Pacific 
Ocean, was Massachusetts. They notified the people of 
New Hampshire that they were living within the Massa- 
chusetts patent, and threatened them that they would look 
into their northern boundaries, and would see how far north 
the Merrimack River extended. 

The first thing was to seize upon the fair lands in Mason's 
patent, called by the Indians Winnicowitt, and grant it to 
their people. In 1639 they incoi-poratcd it a town, by the 
name of Hampton, and its allegiance was always claimed 
by the Massachusetts government. Massachusetts had re- 
solved to get the three other towns under her jurisdiction 
by her policy of intrigue, without actual force. Portsmouth 
was strongly Episcopalian, and Episcopalians were royal- 
ists. Dover was divided, part Episcopalian and part Puri- 

^ For a complete presentation of all moir of Capt. John Mason, edited by 
known facts in regard to Mason's inter- John Ward Dean, A.M., and published 
ests in New England, see Tuttle's Me- by the Prince Society, 1887. — H. 



I So Establishment of the Royal Provincial 

tan. The settlers of Exeter and Hampton were Puritans. 
Massachusetts began to intrigue with Dover, and the Puri- 
tan element fell into her embrace, taking along with them 
the royalists. Portsmouth was persuaded to follow Dover, 
some of the leading loyalists having been first tampered 
with by the Puritan agents of Massachusetts. Portsmouth 
and Dover yielded to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts in 
1 641; Hampton was already there, but Exeter held out 
till 1643. 

New Hampshire, or Mason's patent, as it was frequently 
called, was now entirely wiped out from the political map of 
New England. The only power to remedy this great abuse 
was in the King of England. He was now in arms and 
about to enter into a death struggle with the Puritan parlia- 
ment. The heirs of Capt. John Mason were young, the 
eldest not above ten years of age. Massachusetts, having 
gotten these four towns into her jurisdiction, then made her 
territory into counties. She formed all the towns north of 
the Merrimack River, including Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter, 
and Hampton, into one county, and named it Norfolk. 

Prior to 1641 no general government had ever been 
placed over the towns. Each settlement, except Hamp- 
ton, had associated and agreed upon articles by which they 
would be governed till the King should otherwise direct. 
The jura 7'cgalia were in the King. Captain Mason was 
expecting the destruction of the charter of Massachusetts, 
and that a general governor would be placed over New 
England. This would have secured to his Province all the 
government that was needed. A period of nearly forty 
years now followed, during which the name of New Hamp- 



Government of New HampsJiire. 1 8 1 

shire was seldom if ever heard.^ New generations had 
come upon the soil, and the people had become hardened 
into Puritan usages. 

The restoration of Charles II. to the throne of Endand, 
in May, 1660, was received in all the New Hampshire towns 
with joy by the Royalists that remained, and by all those 
who longed for emancipation from the yoke of Massachu- 
setts. The Puritan element joined Massachusetts in de- 
ploring the event. In the month of July that Colony 
received authentic information that the King was on the 
throne of his ancestors, and immediately received into its 
bosom two of the flying regicides. More than a year 
elapsed before His Majesty was proclaimed King in that 
jurisdiction. The time had now arrived when those per- 
sons, and those colonies in New England which had been 
aggrieved by the acts of Massachusetts, could apply for 
redress in England. The King was ready to hear the com- 
plaints of his loyal subjects and do them justice. No one 
having interests in New Hampshire had greater and longer 
grievances than Robert Mason, grandson and heir of Capt. 
John Mason, the founder and proprietor of the Province. 
His estate extended from the waters of the Pascataqua to 
the Naumkeag River, and every inch was then under the 
jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The first step towards re- 
covering his estate was to get rid of the jurisdiction of Mas- 
sachusetts and restore to the King his jura regalia. The 
sympathy and good wishes of all the inhabitants impatient 
of Puritan rule went with him, but they were unable to 

^ See Notes on an Indenture of Da- Dcanc, LL.D., in Proceedings of Mass. 
vid Thomson and others, by Charles Hist. Soc. for May, 1876. — H. 



1 82 Establish7neiit of the Royal Provincial 

assist him beyond expressing their wishes. A great politi- 
cal question was involved in Mason's undertaking. His 
action, if successful, might lead not only to the recov- 
ery of his estate, but to the independence of New Hamp- 
shire; but if unsuccessful, then farewell to the Province 
forever. What had been designed for a British Province 
in New England had been for many years converted into a 
frontier county of Massachusetts. The name New Hamp- 
shire could not be found on any political map of New 
England. 

Robert Mason set about his designs with a spirit worthy 
of his ancestors. He suffered nothinor to turn him aside. 
Before the end of the first year of His Majesty's reign he 
presented his claim for the territory of New Hampshire, in 
its fullest extent, to the King. His Majesty submitted its 
legal aspect to his attorney-general, who soon reported that 
" Robert Mason, grandson and heir of Capt. John Mason, 
had a good and legal title to the Province of New Hamp- 
shire." All well so far ; but how was Mason to get pos- 
session of it? Massachusetts, the most powerful Colony in 
New England, had long been in possession of the Province, 
claiming it to be within her patent and jurisdiction. Here 
was a new and untried difficulty, and before any solution 
had been reached. His Majesty had been advised to send 
commissioners to New England, with authority to examine 
the many complaints which had been made to him, deter- 
mine them where they could, and where they could not, 
report the facts to His Majesty for his determination. Four 
commissioners were sent in 1664 and were well received in 
all the Colonies except Massachusetts, where they met with 



Government of New Hampshire. 183 

steady opposition.^ The King gave them no directions con- 
cerning Mason's claim to the territory of New Hampshire, 
neither did he forbid their attempting to compose the diffi- 
culty. Massachusetts having refused to treat with them on 
any question where she was concerned, nothing was accom- 
plished by way of negotiation. 

In June, 1665, the royal commissioners passed into New 
Hampshire on their way to Maine. The inhabitants re- 
ceived them kindly, and those opposed to the rule of Massa- 
chusetts prayed the commissioners to deliver them from 
that Colony. They received a petition signed by about 
thirty inhabitants of Portsmouth, among whom were Cham- 
pernowne, Pickeriqg, Sherburne, Hunking, and many other 
well-known persons, setting forth their grievances under 
Massachusetts laws and fanaticism, which had become op- 
pressive, and praying for relief. Another petition, addressed 
to the King, was placed in their hands. It was signed by 
inhabitants of the four towns, praying His Majesty to take 
New Hampshire under his royal protection, that they might 
be governed by the laws of England.^ The commissioners, 
being satisfied that Massachusetts was but an usurper in 
that Province, appointed justices of the peace, in the King's 
name, with power to act under the laws of England, and to 
continue until the King's pleasure should be made known, 
and departed into Maine. Massachusetts hastened to undo 
all that the commissioners had done in New Hampshire. 

That Colony, seeing that Mason was persistent in seeking 
to recover from its grasp the Province of New Hampshire, 

1 See pages 115, 116. ments relating to New Hampshire, 48, 

^ These petitions are printed in Jen- 49. — H. 
ness's Transcripts of Original Uocu- 



1 84 Establishment of the Royal Provincial 

now resorted to intrigue with Mason's relative and agent, 
Joseph Mason, living at Portsmouth. For this purpose 
they first despatched their secretary, Edward Rawson, and 
afterwards Robert Pike. Their final proposition was to 
surrender to Robert Mason his lands if he would consent 
that Massachusetts jurisdiction might continue over them. 
Robert Mason unhesitatingly rejected the proposition when 
it was communicated to him. He had no wish to live under 
that government; he desired to restore his Province to the 
jurisdiction of English laws. Had Mason then and there 
yielded, there had been an end to New Hampshire. After 
some years, no progress having been made with the adjust- 
ment of the claim, Mason presented a petition to the King, 
statins: that he had received no satisfaction and was wearied 
with the delay. Gorges had been equally unsuccessful in 
recovering out of the grasp of Massachusetts his Province 
of Maine. The King despatched copies of these complaints 
by the hands of Edward Randolph to the magistrates of 
Boston, and required from them an answer to Gorges' and 
Mason's claims. The Colony sent agents to England to 
make answer. The matter was referred to the Lord Chief 
Justices of England to hear and determine. To the sur- 
prise of all, the Massachusetts agents disclaimed title to the 
soil, but contended for jurisdiction over the Province. The 
judges decided that the jurisdiction of Massachusetts went 
no farther than the boundaries expressed in the patent, and 
those boundaries, the judges said, cannot be construed to 
extend farther northward along the river Merrimack than 
three English miles. This decision was approved by the 
King, and there was an end to Massachusetts jurisdiction 
over so much of New Hampshire. 



Government of New Hampshire. 1 85 

No sooner was this decision reached than the Massachu- 
setts agents made application to the King to settle the four 
towns, Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter, and Hampton, under 
Massachusetts, at the same time stigmatizing the " inhabi- 
tants of those towns as few and of mean estate," and there- 
fore of little consequence to any one. Massachusetts 
bestirred herself and procured petitions to be signed by 
some inhabitants in all the towns, requesting this to be 
clone, and forwarded the same to their agents in London, 
who presented them to the Lords of the Committee for 
Trade and Plantations, but it was to no purpose; the King 
had resolved that Massachusetts should have no more terri- 
tory or jurisdiction. The Colony agents had approached 
Mason to buy his interest in the Province while the matter 
was pending before the Lord Chief Justices, and he refused 
to sell to them. They were more successful with Gorges.^ 

Mason was bound to stand by his interests in the Prov- 
ince. He had now pursued them since the restoration of 
King Charles H., eighteen years before. It was his earnest 
desire that the King should establish his government over 
the Province, and at length his wishes were gratified. In 
July, 1679, the King wrote to the Colony of Massachusetts, 
rebuking them for having purchased, without his knowledge 
or consent. Gorges' Province of Maine, and bade them pre- 
pare to deliver it to him, when he should be ready to receive 
it. He told them they need not expect the Province of 
New Hampshire would be annexed to that Colony; that 
he had in view the establishing there such method as would 
benefit and satisfy the people of that place. He ordered the 

^ See page 117 and note 3. 
24 



1 86 Establishment of the Royal Provincial 

Colony to recall all the commissions they had granted for 
governing New Hampshire, and thus prepared the way for 
his royal government. The four towns in the Province now 
awaiting the new government contained only about four 
thousand inhabitants, although Portsmouth and Dover had 
been settled nearly sixty years before, and Hampton and 
Exeter forty years. No new settlement had been made while 
under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, — proof enough 
of the blighting effect of Puritan rule over this Province. 
Most of the present inhabitants never knew any other gov- 
ernment than Massachusetts, having been born and reared 
under it. But among the aged, forty years' captivity had 
not entirely destroyed their love and reverence for the Eng- 
lish Church and the English laws. 

It is a notable fact that the chief trade of the Province at 
this time was in masts, planks, boards, and staves. Fishing 
seems to have been laid aside altogether. The new gov- 
ernment immediately urged His Majesty to make the Pas- 
cataqua River a free port, and annex the south half of the 
Isles of Shoals. 

Charles II. and his ministers had now resolved to estab- 
lish a government over that part of the Province of New 
Hampshire, which had been determined to lie outside the 
northern bounds of Massachusetts jurisdiction, and which 
contained within its limits only four towns; namely, Ports- 
mouth, Dover, Hampton, and Exeter. Among the consid- 
erations that led His Majesty to this undertaking were the 
petitions of the loyal inhabitants sent to him from time to 
time, asking to be taken into his immediate care and pro- 
tection ; the determination to see that his faithful subject, 



Government of New Hampshire. 187 

Robert Mason, had that justice done him which he had so 
long prayed for; and the preservation of those forests in 
the Province which had yielded for the royal navy during 
many years the finest masts in the world. 

At that time three species of colonial government were in 
vo<yue amons the British Colonies in America. There were 
chartered governments, like Massachusetts and Connecticut ; 
proprietary governments, like the Provinces of Maine and 
Maryland ; and provincial governments, like New York and 
Virginia. A provincial or royal government consisted of 
three branches, — a governor or president and a council, both 
nominated and appointed by the King, and an assembly 
chosen by the people. It is manifest that in this form 
of government the just prerogatives of the Crown and the 
constitutional privileges of the people are equally attended 
to. Such a government had been established in Virginia 
as early as 16 19, and was hailed with applause. It has the 
distinction of being the first legislative assembly in Amer- 
ica. It was an auspicious day for New Hampshire when 
Charles II. adopted for it a provincial government, — a gov- 
ernment that continued over it for almost a hundred years. 
There had never been in New England, and there never 
was afterwards, a government of this kind. New Hampshire 
has the distinction of being the only royal government this 
side of the Hudson River, — a government administered 
by the King's commission, in the hands of his lieutenant. 

The royal commission for the government of the Prov- 
ince of New Hampshire is dated Westminster, Sept. 18, 
1679. It is in the form of other commissions for govern- 
ment, and is briefly as follows: "It inhibits and restrains 



1 88 Establishment of the Royal Provincial 

the jurisdiction exercised by the Colony of Massachusetts 
over the towns of Portsmouth, Dover, Exeter, and Hamp- 
ton, and all other lands extending from three miles to the 
northward of the river Merrimack, and of any and every 
part thereof to the Province of Maine ; constitutes a presi- 
dent and council to govern the Province ; appoints John 
Cutt, Esq., president, to continue one year, and till another 
be appointed by the same authority ; Richard Martyn, Wil- 
liam Vaughan, and Thomas Daniel of Portsmouth, John 
Gilman of Exeter, Christopher Hussey of Hampton, and 
Richard Waldron of Dover, Esquires, to be of the council, 
who were authorized to choose three other qualified persons 
out of the several parts of the Province, to be added to 
them. The said president, and every succeeding one, to 
appoint a deputy to preside in his absence; the president or 
his deputy, with any five, to be a quorum. They were to 
meet at Portsmouth in twenty days after the arrival of the 
commission, and publish it. They were constituted a court 
of record for the administration of justice, according to the 
laws of England, so far as circumstances would permit, re- 
serving a right of appeal to the King in Council for actions 
of fifty pounds value. They were empowered to appoint 
military officers and take all needful measures for defence 
against enemies. Liberty of conscience was allowed to all 
Protestants, those of the Church of England to be particu- 
larly encouraged. For the support of government, they 
were to continue the present taxes till an assembly could 
be called ; to which end they were within three months to 
issue writs under the Province seal for calling an assembly, 
to whom the president should recommend the passing of 



Government of New Hampshire. 189 

such laws as should establish their allegiance, good order, 
and defence, and the raising taxes in such manner and pro- 
portion as they should see fit. All laws to be approved by 
the president and council, and then to remain in force till 
the King's pleasure should be known, for which purpose 
they should be sent to England by the first ships. In case 
of the president's death, his deputy to succeed, and on the 
death of a councillor, the remainder to elect another and 
send over his name, with the names of two other meet per- 
sons, that the King might appoint one of the three. The 
Kine ensfasfed for himself and successors to continue the 
privilege of an assembly in the same manner and form, 
unless by inconvenience arising therefrom he or his heirs 
should see cause to alter the same. If any of the inhabi- 
tants should refuse to agree with Mason or his agents, on 
the terms stated in the commission, the president and coun- 
cil were directed to reconcile the difference, or send the 
case, stated in writing, with their own opinions, to the King, 
that he, with his Privy Council, might determine it accord- 
ing to equity."^ 

The King was extremely desirous to compose the differ- 
ences likely to arise between the inhabitants of the Province 
and Mason, the proprietor. He points out, in the commis- 
sion, with some detail, what he wishes the president and 
council to do in the matter. 

Who suggested to the King the names for president and 
council does not appear,^ but there were not in the whole 

1 Belknap's History of New Hamp- ^ j^ js probable the sufjgestion origi- 

shire, Farmer's eel., 88, 89. For the nated with Robert Mason or Edward 
commission to President Cutt, see Coll. Randolph. — H. 
Hist. Soc. of New Hampshire, viii. 
1-9. — H. 



190 Establishment of the Royal Provincial 

Province straighter Puritans or firmer friends of the Massa- 
chusetts Colony. They were avowed enemies of the Angli- 
can Church, and they loved the laws and jurisprudence of 
England none too well. Every one had been in office 
under Massachusetts during the usurpation, and every one 
had signed the recent petitions sent to the King, praying 
to remain under the jurisdiction of that Colony. They 
hated Mason for detaching the Province from Massachu- 
setts, and they hated his claim to the soil more. All had 
gained considerable estates, mainly by commercial transac- 
tions. The planters of New Hampshire had no representa- 
tive in the executive part of this new government. The 
Massachusetts Puritans must have smiled grimly when they 
saw the names of their partisans in the royal commission. 

Charles II. and his ministers had been completely duped ;^ 
and they found it out before the first year of the administra- 
tion had ended. All the members of the executive govern- 
ment were born in England, and were now advanced in 
years. They had lived in the Province between thirty and 
forty years, and were well known in every part of it. John 
Cutt, named president in the commission, was one of three 
enterprising brothers whose names were already conspicu- 
ous in the commercial annals of Portsmouth. His whole 
life had been passed in commercial adventures. The sails of 

lit does not appear that any decep- was an honest and fair-minded man, and 
tion or duphcity was used in procuring while he lived exerted his influence to 
the nomination of Cutt and his council- have the King's wishes and commands, 
lors. They were leading men in the as expressed in the commission, faith- 
Province, and most capable of organiz- fully observed. But his death, which 
ing the new government; and undouljt- occurred soon after tiie government was 
edly it was chiefly for this reason that organized, put the control of aftairs into 
they were selected. They expressly de- the hands of men less wise and less 
Glared their reluctance to accept office moderate. — H. 
under the commission. President Cutt 



Governmeitt of New Hampshire. 1 9 1 

his vessels had whitened every sea known to the commerce 
of New England. He had long been known as an eminent 
and opulent merchant. He was now well advanced in 
years, and lived in Portsmouth, the commercial metropolis 
of the Province. His spacious homestead on Strawberry 
Bank was part of the lands which had been reduced to cul- 
tivation by the agents of Captain Mason half a century ago. 
President Cutt had not seen much of public life. He ap- 
pears to have avoided it. Once only had he been a mem- 
ber of the General Court of Massachusetts, and after a few 
days' service he got excused from further attendance. Oc- 
casionally he was a commissioner of the county court, and 
often a selectman >of Portsmouth. In 1663 the town elected 
him constable, but he refused to accept, and paid his fine, 
five pounds. He was an active and a conspicuous member 
of the Rev. Joshua Moody's church. His name stands with 
the original members.^ 

Richard Waldron, one of the council, had no equal for 
ability and force of character in the whole Province. He 
had been longer a resident than any other member of the 
board, and was a steady adherent to Massachusetts. He 
had been many years a member of the General Court and 
seven years Speaker of the House of Deputies. He was 
strongly opposed to Mason's interest, and his influence in 
New Hampshire had always been great. The other five 
members of the council named in the commission, Richard 
Martyn, William Vaughan, Thomas Daniel, John Oilman, 
and Christopher Hussey, had had considerable experience 
in the local government under Massachusetts. 

' See note 2, p. 120. 



192 Establishment of the Royal Provincial 

The royal commission having passed the seals, the King 
wrote a letter to the president and council, and placed 
both, with the provincial seal, in the hands of Edward 
Randolph, to carry to the Province of New Hampshire. 
The King also gave Randolph a portrait of His Majesty, 
and the royal arms to be set up at the seat of government. 
Randolph placed these somewhat bulky articles on a New 
England vessel which never reached its destination, and 
thus New Hampshire was deprived of these memorials 
of royalty, 

Randolph's route lay by the way of New York. He 
sailed from England the last of October, and arrived in 
Portsmouth on the 27th of December, 1679, little more 
than three months after the royal commission had passed 
the seals. Randolph at once presented himself to Mr. John 
Cutt, "a very just and honest man," says Randolph, and 
acquainted him with his royal errand. Cutt lost no time in 
sending summons to the members of the council named in 
the commission to meet at his house and receive from Ran- 
dolph His Majesty's communications. On the first day of 
January, 1680, the council assembled, and Randolph placed 
in their hands His Majesty's letter, and the royal commis- 
sion for the government of the Province. The letter and 
commission being read, most of the council desired time to 
consider whether they would accept. Waldron and Marty n 
were decidedly opposed to the commission. President Cutt, 
and John Gilman of Exeter, were ready to accept the com- 
mission. Nearly three weeks were spent in deliberating the 
matter by the hesitating members of the council. At last, 
seeing that the president was determined to organize the 



Government of New Hampshire. 193 

government within the time required by the commission, 
and that their places were likely to be filled by others, they 
accepted, and took the oaths of office on the 21st of January. 
Meantime President Cutt notified the inhabitants of the 
Province to assemble at Portsmouth on the 2 2d day of Jan- 
uary, and hear His Majesty's commission read and proclama- 
tion made of His Majesty's having received the Province 
of New Hampshire under his gracious favor and protection. 
This must have been a memorable day in Portsmouth, for 
it is recorded that great acclamation and firing of cannon 
followed the announcement that they were under His Maj- 
esty's government.^ 

On that day the, organization of the executive government 
was completed. The president made choice of Richard 
Waldron as deputy president, and the number of the coun- 
cil was made complete by the election of three new mem- 
bers. Proclamation was then made that all persons holding 
office in the Province should continue in their places until 
further orders be taken by His Majesty's government. The 
next step was to summon an assembly. A warrant was 
despatched to the selectmen of all the towns, then only four 
in number, requesting them to send to the president and 
council a list of the names and estates of the inhabitants. 
This being done, the council selected from the selectmen's 
list the names of such persons as they judged qualified to 
vote for assemblymen, and returned these names to the 

1 Belknap's History of New Hamp- and Bibliographical on the Laws of 

shire, Farmer's ed., 90-96 ; Paper by New Hampshire, by Albert H. Hoyt, in 

Charles Deane, LL.D., on the Records Proceedings of American Antiquarian 

of the President and Council of New Soc, 1876; and Jenness's Transcripts 

Hampshire, in Proceedings Mass. Hist, of Original Documents relating to New 

Soc, xvi. 256-260; Notes Historical Hampshire. — H. 

25 



194 The Royal Provincial Government. 

selectmen. Great complaint was made that many fit per- 
sons were deprived of the elective franchise. It is easy to 
see that the council had an opportunity to make the assem- 
bly, and probably did so The election was ordered to take 
place March 9, and not above three persons for the assem- 
bly were to be chosen in any one town. 

The members of the assembly were summoned to appear 
at Portsmouth, on March 16, to attend to His Majesty's 
service. On that day the first legislature in New Hamp- 
shire assembled and was organized. It consisted of eleven 
persons, two from Exeter, and three from each of the other 
towns. Thus, in two and one half months after the arrival 
of the royal messenger with the commission, the govern- 
ment was completely organized over the Province, — a 
government that was destined to continue, with but few 
interruptions, for a hundred years. New Hampshire was 
restored to her place on the political map of New England, 
never again to disappear. She was raised to the dignity of 
a British Province in America. 

Portsmouth had the honor to be the seat^ of ofovernment 
during the entire period of the royal government. Here 
were the scenes of all that was splendid in a provincial 
court. Portsmouth gave of her citizens the chief of the 
new government, John Cutt, and she also gave the last 
royal governor, Sir John Went worth. The provincial gov- 
ernment was succeeded by a republican government, whose 
centenary is at hand. Esio Perpetiia. 

1 The principal officers of the gov- Castle), which until 1693 was included 
ernment resided, and the asseml^ly con- in the town of Portsmouth. See note 2, 
vened, on Great Island (now New p. 103. — H. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE WITHOUT PROVIN- 
CIAL GOVERNMENT. 

1 689-1 690. 



\ 




NEW HAMPSHIRE WITHOUT PROVIN- 
CIAL GOVERNMENT. 

1 689-1 690. 



" I 'HE political condition of the royal Province of New 
^ Hampshire during the short period it was without 
government, beginning with the deposition of Sir Edmund 
Andros on the i8th day of April, 1689, and ending with 
the re-annexation of that Province to Massachusetts on the 
19th of March, 1690, — eleven months, — has received but 
little attention from historians.^ Dr. Belknap gives but little 
space, — less than twenty lines, — in his admirable history 
of New Hampshire, to the consideration of the civil affairs 
of this period, and is not entirely accurate in this. His re- 
lation of other events is more extended and correct.^ 

The fall of the government of Sir Edmund Andros over 
New England, an event in which neither the Province nor 
the people of New Hampshire had any part, left that Prov- 

^ This paper is reprinted, by per- ^ Mass. Records, vi. i, 3, 127, 128; 

mission, from the Proceedings of the Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp., Farmer's 

Massachusetts Historical Society, Oct. ed,, 121, 122. 
1879. — H. 



198 New Hampshire 

ince without any government. The provincial officers of 
his appointment, civil and military, had no authority to act 
after his overthrow by the action of the people of Mas- 
sachusetts. The four ancient towns, Portsmouth, Dover, 
Hampton, and Exeter, which then constituted that entire 
Province, were again in a state of independence, as they 
were when annexed to Massachusetts in the year 1641. 
They were now stronger in population and in political 
organization. Fifty years' experience had given them an 
almost perfect system of domestic self-government. But for 
the exigencies of the times, which required a bond of politi- 
cal union, and unity of action, they might have remained 
in their independent state without inconvenience, so well 
regulated were their domestic concerns, and orderly their 
inhabitants. 

The people of the other Colonies and Provinces in New 
England, under the government of Sir Edmund Andros, 
were likewise left without government ; but they had sys- 
tems of government under which they had long been accus- 
tomed to live, and which they could readily resume. In 
less than one month after the overthrow of Andros, the 
Colonies of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, and 
Plymouth returned quietly to their former governments, and 
recalled their former magistrates.^ 

New Hampshire had been a royal Province little more 
than nine years when the revolution in New England oc- 
curred. During this period it had been governed by royal 
commissions in the hands of officers appointed by the King 
of England. Two entirely different systems of government 

1 Palfrey's Hist. New England, iii. 596, 597. 



without Provincial Government. 199 

had been set over the Province, neither of which suited the 
genius and wants of the whole people. They were there- 
fore without any system of government, suited to their de- 
sires, to fall back upon. The four towns remained eleven 
months without union, or any provincial government. 

The war with the eastern Indians, begun in the Province 
of Maine in the summer of 168S, was only slumbering when 
the government of Sir Edmund Andros was overthrown in 
April, 1689. It was destined to break forth with great and 
terrible energy, supported by the moral strength, at least, of 
a new foe, before the summer ended, and to rage with little 
interruption till the Peace of Ryswick, more than seven 
years later.^ 

To add greater calamities to New England, on the 7th of 
May England declared war against France, — an act that 
finally led to a fierce and bloody conflict between their 
American Colonies, notwithstanding the treaty of colonial 
neutrality made between these two crowns less than three 
years before. This unhappy event in Europe encouraged 
the Indians in their war on the English, and darkened the 
prospect of all New England.^ 

A mighty scheme for the conquest of New York and of 
Hudson's Bay was already devised in F^rance, although the 
treaty of colonial neutrality provided that, if the two crowns 
should break friendship in Europe, their colonies in America 
should remain in peace and neutrality. Actual collision 
with the French did not take place before November, — a 
delay more on account of Boston trade than on account of 

1 Belknap's Hist, of New Hamp., - Brodhead's Hist, New York, ii. 

Farmer's ed., 131-143- 475, 545; Mass. Hist. Soc Coll., xxxi. 

99. 



200 New Hampshire I 

the treaty stipulations. The blow then came from a squad- 
ron on the coast of Acadie, recently from France, and said 
to be designed to surprise Boston.^ 

The four towns in New Hampshire, nestling between 
Massachusetts and the Province of Maine, again under the 
jurisdiction of the Bay Colony, seemed far enough removed 
from either of the enemies of the English. 

Suddenly, in the darkness of the morning of the 28th day 
of June, the third month after their government had been 
withdrawn, a body of Indians swooped down like a bird of 
prey on the frontier village of Cocheco, in Dover, and de- 
stroyed it ; killing a large number of the inhabitants, and 
carrying away into captivity as many more. Among the 
slain was the venerable Richard Waldron, for more than 
forty years the admitted chief in civil and military affairs 
in the Province. Within one week after the overthrow of 
Andros, he had been appointed by the Council of Safety, in 
Massachusetts, Commander-in-Chief of the New Hampshire 
Regiment.^ 

A few hours after this memorable tragedy had ended, six 
of the principal gentlemen of Portsmouth received from 
Richard Waldron, Jr., a brief account in writing of what 
had befallen his venerable father and others at Cocheco, by 
the hands of the barbarous Indians. They immediately 
wrote a joint letter to Major Pike at Salisbury, the nearest 

1 Documentary Hist, of New York, done does not appear. Nor does it 
ii. 47 ; Murdoch's Nova Scotia, i. 178, appear that Major Waldron exercised 
179; Brodhead's Hist. New York, ii. over the militia any functions of this 
547 ; Mass. Archives, xxxv. 106. commission. Belknap's Hist, of New 

2 Wiiat political relation the Council Hamp., Farmer's ed., 126,129: Pike's 
of Safety resjarded the Province to have Journal in Proceeding's Mass. Hist. Soa 
to Massachusetts when this act was (Sept. 1875), 124; Mass. Records, vi. 6. 



without Provincial Government. 201 

military commander in Massachusetts, enclosing this account 
of the disaster, for the Governor and Council, and request- 
ing assistance in this exigency of affairs, "wherein the whole 
country is concerned." 

Major Pike wrote a short letter to the Governor, request- 
ing speedy orders and advice, and forwarded it with the 
others to Boston. 

Governor Bradstreet received the letters at midnight the 
same day of the massacre, and next day laid them before the 
General Court. Their contents were quickly considered, 
and a letter to the gentlemen of Portsmouth was prepared 
and forwarded. The Court expressed concern for their 
friends and neighbors, looking upon the affair as concern- 
ing all, but declined " to exert any authority in your Prov- 
ince." The letter concluded with advice to them to "fall 
into some form or constitution for the exercise of govern- 
ment for your safety and convenience."^ 

A few days later, the 2d day of July, seeing the defence- 
less condition of the Province, the General Court ordered 
that " drums be beaten up in Boston and the adjacent 
towns for volunteers to go forthwith for the succor and 
relief of our neighbor friends at Pascataqua, distressed by 
the Indian enemies." To encourage volunteers, the court 
offered to provide their sustenance, and gave them liberty 
to nominate their own ofiBcers. They were also authorized 
to receive from " the public treasury eight pounds for every 
fighting man's head or scalp that they shall bring in," and 
also to share all plunder taken from the Indians.''^ 

This dreadful massacre — the greatest, in all points of 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, xxi. 88-90. ^ Mass. Records, vi. 53. 

26 



202 New Hampshire 

view, in the annals of the Province — spread terror among 
the inhabitants, and weakened their strength. It opened 
their eyes to the fact that their geographical position offered 
them no security from the blows of the barbarous enemy. 
It brought freshly before them their helpless condition by 
reason of the want of provincial government. Executive 
authority to raise military forces and provide for them, by 
impressment if necessary; to construct public defences and 
garrison them ; to levy and collect taxes ; and, above all, to 
make a treaty with other Colonies for joining in a common 
defence against common enemies, was now needed more 
than ever. 

The magistrates and military officers in the Province, 
appointed by Andros, had undoubtedly exercised a feeble 
sway. The question had long been debated by the inhabi- 
tants whether their functions were wholly suspended. At 
length they generally concluded, " that we had no Governor 
nor authority in this Province so as to answer the ends of 
government, and to command and do in defence of their 
Majesties' subjects against the common enemy." -^ 

The refusal of the General Court to exercise in the Prov- 
ince any of the functions of government, now so much 
needed there, the advice to form a o-overnment anions: 
themselves, and the great and pressing need of one at this 
juncture of affairs led to the first attempt to that end since 
the fall of Andros. Several gentlemen of Portsmouth and 
Great Island sent letters to the several towns in the Prov- 
ince, requesting them to make choice of fit persons to meet 

1 Nathaniel Weare's Letter to Robert Pike, in Coll. N. H. Hist. See, i. 
135-140. 



without Provincial Government. 203 

on the nth day of July, and to "consider of what shall be 
adjudged meet and convenient to be done by the several 
towns in the Province for their peace and safety, until we 
shall have orders from the crown of England." Whatever 

o 

should be agreed on by this convention was to be submitted 
to the towns for their approval. Nothing appears to have 
come of this.^ 

While the matter of provincial government was under 
consideration and debate in rhe towns, Massachusetts 
was actively preparing for the common defence of all the 
New England Colonies, against the French as well as the 
Indians. 

On the 17th of July she summoned her ancient allies, the 
Colonies of Connecticut and Plymouth, to send commission- 
ers to Boston, " according to the rules of our ancient union 
and confederation," to consider measures for " a joint and 
vigorous prosecution of the common enemy." The com- 
missioners assembled on the i6th day of September, and 
carefully examined the causes of the Indian war. They 
formally declared " the same to be just and necessary on the 
part of the English, and ought to be jointly prosecuted by 
all the Colonies." They directed notice to be sent to the 
towns in New Hampshire of their meeting and action, with 
a request for their " concurrence and assistance in a joint 
management of the war," and adjourned to meet again on 
the 1 8th day of October.^ 

With the first month of autumn came another attack of 
the barbarians on the Province. On the 13th of September, 

^ Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, viii. 399; cvii. 244 ; Coll. Mass. Hist. See, xxxv. 
Weare's Letter. 203, 212; Bradstreet's Letter to Gov- 

2 Mass. Archives, xxxv. 50 ; Ibid., ernor Treat, Connecticut Archives. 



204 New HanipsJiire 

the settlement on Oyster River — a place fated to feel the 
stroke of savage vengeance oftener and more severely than 
any other in the Province — was attacked by Indians, and 
eighteen persons were slain.^ 

On the loth day of October, Governor Bradstreet carried 
out the request of the commissioners by direction of the 
General Court. He wrote a letter to Richard INIartyn, Wil- 
liam Vaughan, and Richard Waldron, principal persons in 
New Hampshire, acquainting them of what had been done 
by the commissioners of the United Colonies, and request- 
ing a commissioner to be sent from that Province to meet 
the commissioners at their next meeting. On the i6th 
these gentlemen sent a joint answer, wherein they ex- 
pressed their thanks for what had already been done for 
the defence of the countr}^ and regretted that there was 
insufficient time for the towns to assemble and make choice 
of a commissioner before the next meeting of the commis- 
sioners. They declared their determination to communi- 
cate the request to the several towns forthwith, so that a 
commissioner might be chosen for any later meeting of the 
commissioners,^ 

Near the end of October the several towns held meetings 

* Manuscript Letter of Maj. Robert Capt. Andrew Gardner, of Boston, 
Pike, in Mass. Archives, cvii. 314 ; Coll. of the forces of Major Swayne lately 
Mass. Hist. Soc, xxxv. 212; Mather's sent into those parts, had a company 
Magnalia, lib. vii. 67 ; Belknap, Farmer's of soldiers scouting there, whose head- 
ed., 131. Major Pike says the garri- quarters were at Salmon Falls. Pike 
son attacked was Langstaff 's ; and in his journal says it was James Hug- 
that the number slain and carried cap- gin's garrison, and carries the event 
tive was nineteen. Mather savs it was back into August, which is clearly 
Lieutenant Huckin's garrison that was wrong. The date of this attack has 
attacked ; and that " Captain Garner " never before been fixed, 
pursued the Indians. His statemenf - Mass. Archives, xxxv. 50, 57. 
has been accepted by all historians. 



without Provincial Government. 205 

and voted for a commissioner of the United Colonies of 
New England, — an act that gives the Province new imjoor- 
tance in history. The votes of the towns were sent to Ports- 
mouth, and it appeared that William Vaiighan was elected 
commissioner.^ Dover appointed John Tiittle agent to 
take the vote of the town to Portsmouth to be counted 
with the votes of the other towns, and to assist in mvino- 
instructions to the commissioner chosen as to the manacfe- 
ment of the war." 

The commissioners of the United Colonies now assumed 
the direction of the war, which was carried on at the joint 
expense of all. Connecticut had strongly hinted that 
Rhode Island shauld be invited to join the confederation. 
Governor Bradstrcet was prevailed on to write to Gover- 
nor Clark on the 2d day of August, setting out the ne- 
cessity of making a joint defence against the common 
enemies of the English, and requesting advice and assist- 
ance. It does not appear that any ever came. Rhode 
Island had not been admitted to the confederation in 
former years.^ 

On the 6th of December the commissioners of the Colo- 
nies, Vaughan with them, assembled in Boston to consider 
the war with the French. Although this war had been 
declared seven months before in Europe, no considerable 
injury had been inflicted on New England till recently. 
Intelligence had now arrived that war had been publicly de- 
clared against the English at Port Royal, and that English 

^ N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 30, 32; Ibid., cvii. 247; Colony Records of 

Mass. Archives, xxxv. 106. Conn., 1689-1706, p. 3 ; Church's Phil- 

- Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, viii. 39S. ip's War, pt. ii. 55, 58; Arnold's Hist. 

8 Mass. Archives, xxxv. 63, 106; Rhode Island, i. 156, 157. 



2o6 New Hampshire 

fishing vessels in that quarter had been seized, some kept 
and others sent to France ; that the French were aiding 
and assisting the Indian enemy with arms and ammunition, 
thereby showing their intention, by all ways and means, to 
hurt and destroy their Majesties' subjects, — a thing they will 
continue to do so long as they have any considerable forti- 
fied fort or harbor near us. The commissioners therefore 
recommend that in the United Colonies and Provinces in 
these parts his Majesty's declaration of war against France 
be forthwith published, and that care be taken that the 
militia be well setded, and the fortifications in seaport 
towns be made serviceable. They also recommend that 
a committee of fit persons be appointed to inquire into 
the present condition of our French neighbors, and to find 
what measures need be taken in regard to them, so as to 
prevent their doing further injury, and giving further assist- 
ance to the Indians, and make report.^ 

On the 1 8th of December, Hampton was so sensible 
of the want of government that three of its principal 
inhabitants, namely, Nathaniel Weare, Samuel Sherburne, 
and Henry Dow, were selected to meet persons chosen 
by other towns, and consider and debate this matter of 
government, and make report at the next town meeting. 
Nothing, however, seems to have come of this, except 
that Hampton now began to be very jealous of the other 
towns.^ 

When the memorable year 1689 ended, the four towns in 

1 Mass. Archives, xxxv. io6; Doc. Colonies and their action, as related 

Hist. N. Y., ii. 47. here. 

Our historians have omitted to men- - N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 31, 43, 44 ; 

tion the commissioners of the United Weare's Letter. 



witJiout Provincial Govermnent. 207 

New Hampshire were still without union and without gov- 
ernment. The prospect of having a provincial government 
set over them by William and Mary was no better than 
when the government of Andros was withdrawn from them, 
more than eight months before. A conflict of arms with 
the French was impending. The veteran Frontenac, the 
greatest soldier in the New World, now again the military 
chief of New France, had been three months in Canada, 
and was preparing to crush the English settlements in New 
Eno^land.^ 

At this juncture of affairs, Portsmouth, Dover, and 
Exeter came to an understanding that each should choose 
commissioners with full power to meet in joint convention 
and devise " some method of government in order to their 
defence against the common enemy." 

Hampton seems to have been unreasonably jealous of the 
other towns, and to have delayed action in the matter of 
providing a provincial government. This applies to part, 
not all the inhabitants. Portsmouth, Dover, and Exeter 
elected their commissioners to the Convention ; and the 
commissioners of the two former towns were forced to re- 
quest Hampton to elect her commissioners. She delayed 
action nearly three weeks in a matter of so much conse- 
quence, and finally brought all to nought. 

Exeter sent four delegates, and the other towns six each, 
to the Convention, making twenty-two in all. They were 
the chief persons in the four towns of the Province, and 
heads of families. The commissioners met in Convention 
in Portsmouth, the metropolis of the Province, on the 24th 

1 Brodhead's New York, ii. 603, 606; Belknap, Farmer's ed., 132. 



2o8 New Hampshire 

of January, 1690. How they organized, or who their officers 
were, is unknown. The Convention unanimously adopted a 
simple form of self-government, substantially like that set 
over the Province by the royal Commissions of Charles II. 
to President Cutt and also Lieutenant-Governor Cranfield. 
To give their act the greatest force and authority, each and 
every member of the Convention set his hand to the instru- 
ment in which was drawn the form of the new provincial 
government. This celebrated document, the only remain- 
ing record of the Convention now known, is in the hand- 
writing of John Pickering, a lawyer of Portsmouth, and a 
member of the Convention.^ Having finished its labors, 
the Convention adjourned to meet again, after the elec- 
tion of officers for the new government, and count the 
votes.'^ 

This venerable State document, now printed here for 
the first time, came to my hands many years ago, with some 
manuscripts of John Tuttle of Dover, a member of the 
Convention, and my paternal ancestor.^ The Convention 
being a novel proceeding, its records would not likely go 
with the public archives of the Province. It is amazing 
that so fragile and homeless a document should find its 
way down to this time in such good state of preservation. 
It could not have been seen by Dr. Belknap, otherwise he 
would have related more fully and accurately the action of 
the Convention. 



1 N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 31-34; ^ Dover Town Records, January, 

Weare's Letter above referred to. 1690. 

Also the original record printed on ^ K biographical sketch of John Tut- 

pages 213, 214. tie is in the New England Historical and 

Genealogical Register, xxi. 135-137- 



withottt Provincial Government. 209 

The new government was to consist of a President, Sec- 
retary, and Treasurer to be chosen by the whole Prov- 
ince; also a Council of ten members to be chosen by the 
four towns, — Portsmouth and Hampton having three 
each, and Dover and Exeter two each, — and a Legislative 
Assembly.-^ 

On the 30th day of January, 1690, six days after the adop- 
tion of the form of government, a town meeting was held 
in Dover to choose two members of the Council, and to vote 
for President, Secretary, and Treasurer. Capt. John Ger- 
rish and Capt. John Woodman, two leading citizens, were 
elected members of the Council. The votes for the other 
provincial officers were given and sealed up, to be opened 
by the commissioners and counted with the votes of the 
other towns.^ 

About the same time a town meeting was held in Hamp- 
ton to elect three members of the Council, and to vote for 
President, Secretary, and Treasurer of the Province. A 
majority agreed not to vote for any provincial officers, to 
the great surprise of the whole Province. The six commis- 
sioners of Hampton had agreed in Convention to the form 
of government, and subscribed the record. This action 
speedily put an end to the attempt to form a provincial 
government.^ 

The events of the war were thickening. Schenectady 

1 See the original record printed Nathaniel Weare, furnish an outline of 
on pasres 213, 214. the political history of the Province 

2 Dover Town Records, January, during this period. Portsmouth and 
i6qo. Exeter town records show but little of 

8 Weare's Letter. It is worthy of their action; while Dover records sup- 
note that the town records of Hamp- ply valuable information nowhere else 
ton, with the letter, so often cited, of to be found. 

27 



2IO New Hampshire 

had been destroyed at one blow, and a French and Indian 
force was already on its way from Canada to the Pascata- 
qua, though then unknown in the Province. A crisis 
had arrived. These towns must have a government over 
them. 

Some of the leading gentlemen in Portsmouth drew 
up a petition, addressed to the Governor and Council 
of Massachusetts, praying for government and protection 
as formerly, till their Majesties' pleasure should be known, 
and declaring readiness to bear a proportion of the charge 
for defence of the country against the common enemy. 
This was now the 20th of February, 1690. The peti- 
tion was quickly carried through all the towns, and re- 
ceived three hundred and seventy-two signatures. Fifteen 
members of the Convention, two thirds of the whole, 
signed it, — all from Exeter, and all from Portsmouth, 
except Robert Elliot ; all from Dover, except John Tut- 
tle, John Roberts, and Nicholas Follett ; and all from 
Hampton, except Nathaniel Weare, Henry Dow, and Henry 
Green.^ The original petition is preserved with the Mas- 
sachusetts Archives. 

Nathaniel Weare, a principal inhabitant of Hampton, 
and a member of the Convention, was much grieved at the 
action of Hampton in refusing to elect officers and com- 
plete the organization of the provincial government. He 
was in favor of the plan of self-government, and opposed 
to annexation to Massachusetts to the same extent as before. 
He says that this petition was brought to Hampton on the 

^ Coll. N. H. Hist. Soc, viii. 293- seventh volume of the Collections of the 
298 ; Mass. Archives, xxxv. 229. The New Hampshire Historical Society, 
names are very incorrectly spelled in the 



without Provincial Government. 2 1 1 

26th day of February, while the mihtia were assembled 
there, and that many signed it without knowing what it 
was ; and also that many children and servants there did 
the same. Hampton now clearly preferred to remain in her 
independent state.^ 

This petition was quickly taken to Boston by John Pick- 
ering and William Vaughan, and was presented to the 
Governor and Council on the 28th day of February. It 
was received, and the prayer of the petitioners granted. 
The Governor and Council forthwith appointed William 
Vaughan, Richard Martyn, and Nathaniel Fryer, known 
adherents to the Colony, magistrates over the Province ; 
and Vaughan then and there took the oath of office.^ Order 
was given for the towns to make choice of civil and military 
officers, to complete the new organization, and present their 
names to the General Court for confirmation, which was 
quickly done. 

In a few weeks John Pickering was despatched to Boston 
in behalf of the Province, with a full list of officers, civil 
and military, and a joint letter of recommendation from 
William Vaughan and Richard Waldron, to lay the same 
before the Governor and Council and the Deputies. On 
the 19th day of March, 1690, both branches approved the 
action of the Governor and Council on the 28th of Febru- 
ary, and confirmed the list of officers/^ Only the day be- 
fore, Frontenac's party of French and Indians had fallen on 

1 Weare's Letter. A biop;raphical ^ Mass. Archives, xxx. 308 ; N. H. 
sketch of Nathaniel Weare, by the late Prov. Papers, ii. 40, 41; Mass. Rec, 
Chief-Justice Bell, is in Coll. N. H. vi. 127, 128; Belknap, Farmer's ed.. 
Hist. Soc, viii. 381-394- '32- 

2 Sewall Papers, i. 312; Weare's 
Letter. 



212 New Hampshire 

the eastern frontier of Dover, and destroyed the village of 
Salmon Falls. 

The Province was now again fully restored to its former 
relations with Massachusetts, and remained till the Com- 
mission of Samuel Allen as Governor of the Province was 
published there Aug. 13, 1692.' 

During this period of suspended government over the 
Province, only one act of violence appears against any of 
the officers appointed by Andros. Richard Chamberlain 
was Secretary from 1680 to 1686, when the government of 
Joseph Dudley was extended over the Province, and that 
office abolished. He was then made clerk of the judicial 
courts, and held that office till the government of Andros was 
withdrawn. The records and files of the Province as well 
as of the courts were in his possession, having come there 
by virtue of his official station. The people resolved to get 
them from him, although no one had a better right to hold 
them. Capt. John Pickering, a resolute man, — the same 
mentioned in these pages, — with an armed force proceeded 
to Chamberlain's house, and demanded the records and files. 
Chamberlain very properly refused to give them to him 
without some legal warrant for his security and protection ; 
thereupon Pickering seized them with force, and carried 
them out of the Province.^ 

1 N. H. Prov. Papers, ii. 71. mer's ed., 149, 150. A Memoir of 

2 N. H. Prov. Papers, i. 590, 600; Capt. John Pickering^ is in Coll. N. H. 
Ibid.^ iii. 298; Belknap's Hist., Far- Hist. Soc, iii. 292-297. 



without Provincial Government. 213 



[Form of Government.] 

At a meeting of the Committee chosen by 
the Inhabitants of the respective towns within 
New Hampshire this Province for settlement of a method of 
IN New England. order and government over the same, until 
their Maj''" take Care thereof, held in Ports- 
mouth the 24th of January, 1689. 
Whereas, Since the late revolution in the Massachusetts Colony, 
no order from their Maj"" has yet arrived for the settlement of 
government in this Province, and no Authority being left in the 
Province save that of the late Justices of Peace ; which, consider- 
ing our present circumstances, cannot answer the end of govern- 
ment, viz., the raising men, money, and so forth, for our defence 
against the Common Enemy, 

Resolved, That a President and Council, consisting of ten persons, 
as also a Treasurer and Secretary, be chosen in the Province, in 
manner and form following : viz., for the Council, three persons of 
the Inhabitants of Portsmouth, three persons of the Inhabitants 
of Hampton, two persons of the Inhabitants of Dover, and two per- 
sons of the Inhabitants of Exeter ; which persons shall be chosen 
by the major vote of the Inhabitants of the town where they live, 
and the President, Treasurer, and Secretary to be chosen by the 
major vote of the whole Province, which President shall also have 
the power over the mihtia of the Province as major, and the Presi- 
dent and Council so chosen, or the major part thereof, shall with all 
convenient speed call an assembly of the representatives of the peo- 
ple not exceeding three persons from one town, which said Presi- 
dent and Council, or the major part of them, whereof the President 
or his Deputy to be one, together with the representatives aforesaid, 
or the major part of them, from time to time shall make such acts 
and orders, and exert such powers and authority as may in all re- 
spects have a tendency to the preservation of the peace, punish- 



214 



New Hampshire. 



ment of offenders, and defence of their Maj"^'' subjects against the 
common enemy, provided they exceed not the bounds his late 
Maj'^ King Charles the Second was graciously pleased to limit 
in his Royal commission to the late President and Council of this 
Province. 

Rob'' Wadleigh, 

Will"" Hilton, 

Samuell Leauett, 

Jonathan Thing, 



John Woodman, 
John Gerrish, 
John Tuttle, 
Thomas Edgeley, 
John Robearts, 
Nich. Follett, 

Henry Green, 
Nath"- Weare, 



Samuell Shuebern, 

his 

Morris X Hobs, 

mark 

Henry Dow, 
Edward Goue, 



Nathan"- Fryer, 
W"" Vaughan, 
Robt. Elliot, 
Rich'* Waldron, 
John Pickerin, 

ThO. COBBETT.l 



^ The spelling and punctuation of lowed to remain as they were written, 

this manuscript have been made to con- A heliotype of the original manuscript 

form with modern usage in this printed is given in the Proceedings of the Mass. 

copy. The names of persons are al- Hist. Society, Oct. 1879. 



HOPE-HOOD. 



H o p E - H o o d; 



OEVERAL years ago I was turning over the leaves of a 
*^^ venerable folio volume in the Registry of Deeds at 
Exeter, New Habipshire, when my eye accidentally fell 
upon the name Hope-Hood, or Hope Whood, as it was 
then written.^ On examination, I found the name was in a 
deed conveying land now in the County of Strafford, New 
Hampshire, executed by Hope-Hood and three other In- 
dians, calling themselves native proprietors of those parts of 
New England. 

Hubbard says that Hope-Hood, the first-named grantor in 
the deed, was son of Robin Hood, a noted Indian of an east- 
ern Abnaki tribe. This Hope-Hood first appears in history 
a few months after the breaking out. of King Philip's war, 
leading an attack on a house in Berwick, Maine.^ Mather 



* Reprinted, by permission, from the 
Proceedings of the Mass. Hist. Society, 
February, 1880. — H. 

2 The name of this Indian is vari- 
ously spelled. I follow Hubbard the 
historian. Hope-Hood was also known 
under the name Wayhamoo (Proceed- 
ings Mass. Hist. Soc, March, 1878). 
Mather's alias for him is Wohawa. 



28 



[To the letters of John Hogkins, a Pen- 
acook sachem, May 15, 1685 (Belknap's 
Hist., Farmer's ed., 50S), his name is af- 
fixed as Hope-Hoth. But the spellins: 
of Indian names depended very much 
on the ear of the scribe. — H.] 

3 Hubbard's Narrative of the Trou- 
bles with the Indians in New England, 
from Piscataqua to Pemmaquid, 14, 20. 



2 1 8 Hope-Hood. 

styles him a "memorable tygre,"^ and says he was acciden- 
tally killed in the summer of 1690.^ Williamson says he 
was "one of the most bloody warriors of the age." He 
and his followers were with the French at the destruction 
of Salmon Falls, and also of Casco, two months later, in the 
spring of 1690.^ 

Hope-Hood was one of the Indian chieftains who signed 
the treaty of peace made Sept. 8, 1685, between His Ma- 
jesty's subjects inhabiting the Provinces of New Hampshire 
and Maine, and the Indians dwelling in the same Provinces. 
His name is also on each of the letters written May 15, 1685, 
by Kankamagus, alias John Hogkins, to Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor Cranfield, imploring protection from the Mohawk In- 
dians. His mark standing for his signature to the treat}^ 
and also to the letters, is the same as on the deed to Coffin."* 

The names of his three Indian associates, grantors in the 
deed, are scarcely known. They appear, however, with his, 
on the letters to Cranfield,^ The name Ould Robin suoforests 
a family connection. IVIaybe he is the veritable Robin 
Hood mentioned by Hubbard. 

1 Mather bestows also other seem- that time, as to make it somewhat 
ingly well-deserved epithets upon Hope- doubtful whether Mather has not con- 
Hood : "that hellish fellow," "the founded these two Indians (N. Y. Col. 
wretch," "that hideous loup-i:_arou,'^ Doc, ix. 473-479). There is no men- 
" the villain," etc. He also states that tion of the death of Hope-Hood in the 
this savage was "once a servant of a French narratives of that time. Be- 
Christian master in Boston." (Magna- sides, a Hope-Hood from Norridge- 
lia, Bk. vii. Appendix, art. x.) — H. wock was present at the [making of the] 

^ Magnalia, Bk. vii. Appendix, art. X. treaty with the English at Falmouth 

p. 74. The only authority which supports [Maine], in June, 1703. 
Mather in regard to the accidental kill- ^ Williamson's History of Maine, i. 

ing of Hope-Hood may be found in 618-623. 

Public Occurrences, the first newspaper ^ N. H. Provincial Papers, i. 583, 

printed in Boston, dated Sept. 25, 1690. 584, 588. [See note 3 on page 217. 

The circumstances of his death so much — H.] 

resemble those of the accidental killing ^ N. H. Provincial Papers, i. 583, 

of Kryn, the "Great Mohawk," about 584. 



Hope-Hood. 2.1c) 

Peter Coffin, the grantee named in the deed, was one of 
the most considerable inhabitants of Dover, New Hamp- 
shire, and afterward chief justice of the Province. How- 
ever contemptible an Indian deed may have appeared at that 
time in the eyes of Sir Edmund Andros, to the mind of 
Peter Coffin, a frontiersman, it was sufficient to give him 
the rischt and title to so much of the wilderness as was 
bounded and described therein. He was not a man to part 
with seven pounds for a worthless title.^ 

It is worthy of note that this Indian grant lay within the 
limits of Captain Mason's patent of 1629; and that his grand- 
son, Robert Mason, was then contending in the judicial 
courts of New Hampshire for possession of all the lands 
lying within the patent, not granted by himself or his ances- 
tors. Coffin's motive for buying the Indian title at this time 
may have been to anticipate the issue of Mason's suits. 

While Hope-Hood hovered much on the eastern frontier 
of New Hampshire, he has not been supposed by historians 
to have had any connection with that Province, except as a 
raider and an enemy, during the Indian wars.^ There is, 
however, one place in Dover, on the western bank of the 
Bellamy River, near where it falls into the Pascataqua, which 
has borne the name " Hope- Hood's Point " for nearly two 
centuries, — almost back to the date of this deed of convey- 
ance.^ This fact, and his act in conveying hereditary lands 

^ The author must here be understood s.ociates had received no grant, and there- 

as presentinsj the view which Coffin en- fore could convey no legal title. — H, 
tertained. But it was an erroneous view. '^ I have shown that the (reported) 

The title to the soil was in the King of attack on Fox Point, in 1690, which 

England or his grantees. This was the Mather charges that Hope-Hood led, 

law of England, and it was in harmony never occurred. See pages 163-171. 
with the accepted public law of Europe '^ New Eng. Hist, and Gene. Rcgis- 

at this period. Hope-Hood and his as- ter, xx. 373 ; xxviii. 203 ; xxxiv. 205. 



220 Hope-Hood. 

in this quarter to Coffin, indicate that his savage ancestors 
or his tribe had been possessors of that region. 

The spelling in the following deed is modernized, except 
the names of persons and places. 

To all Christian people to whom this present writing shall come 
and appear: — 

Know ye that the natives of New England or Indians whose 
names are known in the English tongue, are called by the name of 
Hoope Whood, and Samll Lines, and Ould Robbin, and Kinge 
Harry, now we, the before-named Indians and natives, as by our 
native right, are the proprietors of these parts of New England 
which do join and border upon the rivers called by the names of 
Newitchawanoke River, and Cochechow River, and Oyster River 
and Lamperill River, within the Province of New Hampshire. Now 
know all men that we, the said Hope Whood, Samll Lines, Ould 
Robbin, and King Harry, for and in consideration of the sum of 
seven pounds to us in hand paid by Mr. Peter Coffin of the town 
of Dover, in the Province of New Hampshire, the receipt whereof 
we acknowledge, and of every part and penny thereof, do free, ac- 
quit, and discharge the said Peter Coffin, his heirs, executors, and 
administrators. By these presents do give, grant, bargain, and sell 
and confirm unto the said Mr. Coffin and to his heirs, executors, 
administrators, and assigns for ever, all our right and title which 
we, the said natives ever had, have, or ought to have, unto all the 
marshes, and pine timber standing or lying, that is or shall be within 
the two branches of Cochecho and half way between northernmost 
branch of Cochechow River and Newchewanoke River, beginning 
at the run of water on the north side of Squammagonake old plant- 
ing ground (and between the two branches) to begin at the spring 
where the old cellar was, and so to run ten miles up into the coun- 
try between the branches by the rivers, all which said marshes, 
lands, and timber as is before mentioned, and expressed in the 
bounds aforesaid, shall be to the sole and proper use, benefit, and 



Hope-Hood. 221 

behoof of Mr. Peter Coffin, his heirs, executors, administrators, and 
assigns for ever, to have and to hold the premises aforesaid and all 
privileges and appurtenances thereunto belonging, and to every part 
and parcel thereof, and also we do warrant to make good, and main- 
tain the before bargained and sold premises against all and all man- 
ner of natives or Indians which shall lay any claim or right or title 
to the same. In witness whereof we, the said Hoope Whood, Samll 
Lines, Ould Robbin, and Kinge Harry, do bind ourselves and every 
of us jointly and severally, and our heirs and successors firmly by 
these presents. Dated the third day of January, in the second 
year of the reign of our sovereign Lord King James the Second, 
over England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, King, Defender of 
the Faith, &c. Annoq. domini, 1686. 

Signed, sealed, and The mark X of Hoope Whood, \llt\\ 

delivered in presence u U Samll Lines, [.Tat] 

of Benjamin Herd, S Ould Robbin, [sTat] 

Test. John Evens. O Kinge Harry, \l^^'\ 

Benjamin Herd personally appeared this seventh day of January, 
1709-10, and made oath that he was present and saw these several 
sachems or Indians sign and seal the above written instrument and 
set to his hand as witness, and that Jno Evins also set to his hand 
as witness at the same time. Before me, Nathll Weare, Justice 
Peace. 

Entered and recorded according to original, 18 January, 1709. 

Wm. Vaughan, Recorder} 

^ Provincial Deeds at Exeter, vol. the northern limits of Dover. It is 
vii. fols. 366, 367. The tract of land now within the limits of Rochester, 
described in the deed lay just outside Barrington, Strafford, and Farmington. 



CHRISTOPHER KILBY. 



^ 



CHRISTOPHER KILBY.' 



nPHE capacity, public services, wealth, and liberality of 
■^ Christopher Kilby place him among the worthies of 
Boston of the last century. While he lived abroad most 
of his days, and died there, and while most of his living 
posterity are now in England and Scotland, he was never- 
theless a son of Boston, began his public life here,^ remem- 
bered his native town in its affliction, bequeathed his name 
to one of its most public streets, and a few of his posterity 
still live here. Although his name appears frequently in 
the records of his time, is mentioned by Hutchinson and 
other historians, and is memorably associated with his na- 
tive city, but little is publicly known of his career and his 
connections. His personal history derives fresh interest 
from the fact that his great-granddaughter was the first 
wife of the seventh Duke of Argyll, — the grandfather of 
the Marquis of Lome, who recently^ married Her Royal 
Highness the Princess Louise, of England. 

» Reprinted from the New Enj^lancl i)ul)lislie(l in 1S72, Several persons 
Historical and Genealogical Register mentioned by liie author as living when 
for January, 1872. he wrote, have since then died. (See 

" The reader will bear in mind that page 235.) — H. 
this Memoir was written in Boston, and 

29 



226 Christopher Kilby. 

Christopher Kilby was the son of John and Rebecca 
(Simpkins) Kilby, of Boston. He was born May 25, 1705, 
and bred to commercial pursuits. In 1726 he became a 
partner in business with the Hon. William Clark,^ a distin- 
guished merchant of Boston, whose eldest daughter he mar- 
ried the same year. Mr. Clark carried on an extensive 
commercial trade with England and the West Indies ; and 
Kilby was several times in those countries, on business of 
the firm, during the continuance of the partnership, which 
terminated on his return from England in 1735. In this 
period of nine years he passed three abroad, employed in 
commercial undertakings. He now formed a partnership 
with his brother-in-law, Mr. Clark's youngest son, Benjamin, 
and continued in the same business until he went to Eng- 
land in 1739 as agent for Massachusetts. 

^ The Hon. William Clark was ings taken from its walls ; he also 
brother of the Hon. John Clark, of has the centre part of a wooden mosaic 
Boston, for many years Speaker of floor of the house, having the arms of 
the House of Representatives, and Clark wrought therein. The late Mr. 
grandson of Dr. John Clark, an emi- Peter Wainwright, of Boston, had 
nent physician, whose portrait is in the among his collection of family portraits 
cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical one of the Hon. William Clark, full size, 
Society. Mr. William Clark was a painted in 1732. These portraits were 
member of the House and of the Pro- destroyed, or much damaged, by the 
vincial Council. He was a merchant, Boston fire in 1872. Mr. Clark died 
and acquired a large estate. He lived July 24, 1742. His first wife, the 
in the largest, most elaborately finished mother of his children, was Sarah, 
and furnished house in Boston. It daughter of Robert Bronsden, of Bos- 
was a brick structure, standing on Gar- ton, to whom he was married May 14, 
den Court Street, leading from Clark's 1702. His second wife was Sarah, 
Square, so called ; next to the mansion- daughter of William Tyler, of Boston, 
house afterwards occupied by Governor She died about 1762. It is said that 
Hutchinson, at the North End. It was William and Sarah (Bronsden) Clark 
subsequently owned and occupied by had fifteen children. Of these we 
Sir Henry P>ankland, and is mentioned have the following names: (i) Sarah, 
in one of Cooper's novels. Mr. Row- who married Christopher Kilby •, (2) 
land Ellis, now of Newton Centre, Robert ; (3) Benjamin ; (4) Rebecca, 
Mass., who Hved in it many years, has who married Samuel Winslow, June 8, 
a fine exterior view of this famous 1729; and (5) Martha, who married 
house, and also several elaborate paint- Dea. Thomas Grcenough, May 9, 1734- 



Christopher Kilby. 227 

In May, 1739, he was chosen representative to the 
General Court from Boston, his colleagues being Thomas 
Gushing, Jr., Edward Bromfield, and James Allen. The 
session of the Gourt began near the end of May, and con- 
tinued, with several intermediate adjournments, to the end of 
the year, the domestic affairs of the Province being in a 
troubled state. Mr. Kilby served on all the important com- 
mittees, and took an active part in the business of the ses- 
sion. Important questions relative to the issue of paper 
money and to the boundaries of the Province were dis- 
cussed and acted upon. Governor Belcher had received in- 
structions from the King to limit the issue of bills of credit 
to a period not exceeding in duration those current at the 
time of a new issue, and the consequence was that all be- 
came payable in 1741. The Governor declined to recede 
from his instructions, although the public distress was great. 
The last of September the House of Representatives re- 
solved to send a special " agent to appear at the Gourt of 
Great Britain, to represent to His Majesty the great difficul- 
ties and distress the people of this Province labor under by 
reason of thus being prevented from raising the necessary 
supply to support the government and the protection and 
defence of His Majesty's subjects here." Thomas Gushing, 
a distinguished member of the House, and formerly its 
Speaker, was chosen agent ; and a committee of eight, Mr. 
Kilby being one, was appointed to draw up his instructions. 
On account of continued ill health, Mr. Gushing declined 
the office, and Mr. Kilby was, on the 2d of October, chosen 
in his place.^ 

1 Hutchinson's History of Massachusetts ; Journal of House of Represen- 
tatives, 1739. 



228 Christopher Kilby. 

The Province had always selected its ablest men to act as 
agents, the functions of the office being of a diplomatic char- 
acter, requiring ability, sagacity, prudence, and a knowledge 
of public affairs. Mr. Kilby, then only thirty-four years 
of age, accepted the appointment, and Capt. Nathaniel 
Cunningham, an eminent merchant of Boston, was chosen 
to succeed him in the House.^ Early in December Kilby 
received his instructions, and immediately sailed for Eng- 
land. He presented to the King in Council the petition 
of the House, praying for a modification of the royal in- 
structions to Belcher concerning the issue of bills of credit ; 
but the King could not be persuaded to make the change 
asked for.^ 

In October, 1741, Francis Wilks, long an agent of 
the Province in England, was dismissed, and soon after 
died, and Kilby was chosen in his place. About this time 

^ Capt. Nathaniel Cunningham was Leicester, where he built several fine 

one of the richest merchants in Boston houses. He gave the town, now Spen- 

in his day. He died in London, Sept. cer, land for a meeting-house and 

7, 1748, leaving wife Susanna, and chil- training-field. (See Hist, of Spencer, 

dren ; namely, Nathaniel, who married and Suffolk Probate Records.) Su- 

Sarah Kilby; Ruth, who married the sanna Cunningham, relict of Nathaniel 

celebrated James Otis; and Sarah, who Cunningham, Esq., and only sister of 

married Andrew McKenzie, of Boston, the Hon. Charles Paxton, Esq., died 

merchant, in 1749. His estate was Feb. 13, 1770, in the 69th year of her 

valued at nearly ^50,000. To each age. She was his second wife. [ Capt. 

daughter he gave _;^r 0,000, and an- Timothy Cunningham, a brother of Na- 

nuities for their support while minors; thaniel, died Sept. 12, 1728, and by his 

to Dr. Sewall's church sixty ounces of will gave ^200 to the " South Church in 

silver, to be made into a proper vessel Boston." At the request of Nathaniel 

for the service of the Holy Sacrament this money was expended for the pur- 

of the Lord's Supper, the expenses of chase of tlie bell long used in the Old 

making to be paid out of his estate ; South. It was recast in London about 

to the poor of the church, /500 ; the 1816. and now hangs in the tower of 

rest of his large estate to his only son the New Old South. — H.] 

Nathaniel. He mentions Charles Pax- "- Journal House of Representatives; 

ton, Esq., as his brother-in-law. Mr. Hutchinson's Hist, of Mass.; Mass. 

Cunningham was one of the proprietors Archives. 
of the lands in the west parish of 



Christopher Kilby. 229 

Massachusetts took an appeal from a decision of the com- 
missioners respecting the boundary line between it and 
Rhode Island. In January, 1742, Robert Auchmuty — an 
able lawyer of Boston — and Christopher Kilby were chosen 
joint agents to prosecute the appeal before the King in 
Council. Auchmuty continued in this service till April, 
1743; and Kilby did not cease his exertions in the matter 
of the appeal till 1746.^ 

The removal of Governor Belcher was one of the ques- 
tions which agitated the people here and in New Hamp- 
shire when Kilby went to England. He was one of the 
strong party opposed to Belcher, and he used his influence 
to displace him, aiid to secure the office for Shirley, who 
was appointed governor in 1741.^ 

Mr. Kilby continued to act as standing agent of the Prov- 
ince till the middle of November, 1748, performing many 
important services, among which may be mentioned the pro- 
curing from the British government reimbursement to the 
Province for expenses in the famous expedition for the 
conquest of Louisburg in 1745, commanded by Lieut- 
Gen. William Pepperrell' William Bollan, a lawyer of 
Boston, son-in-law of Governor Shirley, was chosen joint 
agent with Kilby to prosecute this claim for expenses in 
" taking and securing the island of Cape Breton and its de- 
pendencies." In the prosecution of this claim Kilby la- 
bored with untiring industry and energy. His official and 

1 Journal House of Representatives; London, in 1749. See Parsons's Life 

Arnold's History of Rhode Island; of Pepperrell, 222 ; and Papers relating 

M'iJ5S Archives. to Lieut.-Gen. Pepperrell, Lieut.-Gen 

Hutchinson's History; Kilby's St. Clair, and Admiral Knowles, in 

a^^^^' „ ^^^v Eng. Hist, and Gene. Resjister, 

3 Pepperrell resided with Kilby in xxviii. 451-466. —H. 



230 Christopher Kilby. 

private letters show this; and nothing but ignorance or 
jealousy has kept this fact from being more publicly known. 
In a letter to Secretary Willard, dated March 10, 1747, he 
says : " No other affair I am concerned in but what is made 
subservient to this important and most necessary point of 
reimbursing the Province and relieving it from distress 
which is not possible to be endured long, for I have an un- 
shaken and immovable zeal for the welfare of my country." 
He writes to the Speaker of the House, from Portsmouth, 
England, where he then was in conference with Admiral Sir 
Peter Warren, under date of April 6, 1748, that the House 
of Commons passed a bill on the 4th inst., "granting to 
Massachusetts ^183,649 02 7^, the time and manner of 
payment being left entirely with the treasury."^ 

The Duke of Newcastle promised the governorship of 
New Jersey to Kilby, on the death of Morris ; but the 
friends of Belcher persuaded the Duke to change his pur- 
pose at the last moment, and Belcher got the appointment. 
While agent of Massachusetts he was member of the firm of 
Sedgwick, Kilby, & Barnard, of London. On the death of 
Sedgwick, the firm name was Kilby, Barnard, & Parker. 
The business of the firm was extensive, especially with the 
American Colonies.^ 

In 1755, Boston, having some grievances of its own, ap- 
pointed Kilby its agent at the Court of Great Britain. 
He accepted the appointment, and performed the duties 
required of him to the entire satisfaction of his native 
town.^ 

1 Mass. Archives ; Kilby's Letters, the town of Boston, with other papers re- 

2 Kilby's Letters. lating to his agency, is among the MSS. 
* A volume containing the original in the possession of the New England 

letter of instructions to Air. Kilby from Historic Genealogical Society. — H. 



Christopher Kilby. 231 

In May, 1756, England formally declared war with 
France. John Campbell, fourth Earl of Loudoun, was ap- 
pointed commander-in-chief of the King's forces in North 
America, and governor of Virginia. Kilby was appointed 
"agent-victualler of the army" under the Earl, and sailed 
from Portsmouth, England, May 20, for New York, arriving 
there about the middle of July. The Nightingale man- 
of-war, having the Earl and his staff, and also Thomas 
Pownall, soon after appointed governor of Massachusetts, 
on board, sailed from the same port, and arrived at New 
York a few days later than Kilby. The organization of the 
army went forward, and great preparations were made for 
subduing the Frer^ch in Canada and elsewhere on this con- 
tinent. Kilby addressed himself to the furnishing of sup- 
plies for the army.^ 

In January, 1757, the Earl of Loudoun and many of his 
officers came to Boston to meet the commissioners of the 
several Provinces, to consult about raising an army, and 
other matters, for the campaign of that year. The Boston 
Gazette of Jan. 24, 1757, after speaking of the arrival of 
the Earl in Boston, adds : — 

At the same time, and in company with the Earl of Loudo[u]n, 
arrived Christopher Kilby, Esq., who went from hence about 17 
years past as Agent for this Province at the Court of Great Britain : 
the warm affection he has discovered for his countrymen, and the 
signal services he has rendered this Province during that space, has 
greatly endeared him to us. The Selectmen of the Town waited 
upon him as Standing Agent of the Town with their congratulations 
and Thanks for the Favors he has from Time to Time shown us. A 

* Boston Gazette, July and August, 1756 ; Doc. Hist, of New York. 



232 Christopher Kilby. 

Committee of the General Court has invited him to Dine at Concert 
Hall this Day ; and his townsmen rejoice at the opportunity they 
now have of testifying the deserved esteem they have for him. 
With Pleasure we can acquaint the Publick that he is in a good 
measure recovered from the illness which attended him this Fall 
while at Albany. 

Kilby probably remained in this country till the peace of 
1763. He was in New York when the terrible fire occurred 
in Boston, in March, 1760, destroying many dwelling-houses 
and causing much distress. Upon hearing of this calamity 
Kilby sent two hundred pounds sterling to the sufferers, a 
sum that was regarded as enormous at the time. The dis- 
trict burnt over embraced both sides of " Mackerill Lane," 
so called. When this part of the town was rebuilt, and the 
lane widened and extended, it was called Kilby Street, 
by common consent, in compliment to Mr. Kilby for his 
generous donation, and for his zeal for the interests of his 
native town.^ 

On his return to England he purchased a large estate in 
the parish of Dorking, co. Surrey, where he "built a curious 
edifice called the priory, and several ornamental seats." 
There he lived many years prior to his death,^ which took 
place in October, 1771. He left an immense estate, which 
he distributed among his seven grandchildren, after provid- 
ino- for his wife.^ 

Mr. Kilby was twice married. His first wife was Sarah, 
eldest daughter of the Hon. William Clark, whom he mar- 

1 Boston Post Roy, April 7, 1760. s Allen's History of Surrey and 

2 "Late of Tranquil Dale, so called, Sussex, vol. ii. ; Whitmore's Heraldic 
in the parishes of Betchworth and Journal. 

Buckland, in the county of Surrey." 



Christopher Kilby. 2^3 

ried Aug. i8, 1726. Mrs. Kilby died April 12, 1739, about 
six months before her husband was sent as aoent to Eno:- 
land, leaving two young daughters, Sarah and Catherine.^ 
A son William died young. In 1742 his father-in-law, 
Clark, died intestate. Kilby being in England, his warm 
personal friend, Thomas Hancock, an eminent merchant, 
and uncle to Gov. John Hancock, was appointed guardian 
of Sarah and Catherine Kilby, and secured for them their 
share of their grandfather Clark's estate. Five years later 
they were sent to England, their father receiving them at 
Portsmouth. Catherine appears to have died soon after her 
arrival. 

Mr. Kilby was now married again, but had no other chil- 
dren. His second wife's name was Martha, and she sur- 
vived him. Her family name is not known here. On 
Sarah Kilby, his surviving daughter, he bestowed every ad- 
vantage that wealth could command. She received the best 
education England could afford; and in 1753 was betrothed 
to Nathaniel, only son of Capt. Nathaniel Cunningham, a 
merchant of the greatest wealth of any in Boston. His 
daughter Ruth married the celebrated James Otis, patriot 
and orator. Sarah Kil'oy returned to this country just be- 
fore her marriage, which took place June 20, 1754. Mr. 
Cunningham settled in the fine mansion-house of his father, 
— now deceased, — situated on an eminence in Cambridge, 
now Brighton. In Price's view of Boston, taken in 1743, 
dedicated to Peter Faneuil, this house is a conspicuous ob- 
ject, and designated by name, being the finest mansion- 

1 "Last week dy'd suddenly Mrs. to the Hon. William Clark, Esq." — 
Kilby, Wife of Mr. Christopher Kilby Boston Weekly News Letter, April 17, 
of this Town, Merchant, and Daughter 1739. 

30 



234 Christopher Kilby. 

house in the vicinity of Boston. Nathaniel Cunningham 
died near the end of the year 1756, leaving two infant chil- 
dren, Susanna and Sarah.-^ His widow died in Ayrshire, 
Scotland, July 15, 1779. 

When the Earl of Loudoun visited Boston, a few months 
after this event, there came with him his aide-de-camp, Capt. 
Gilbert McAdam, as well as Kilby, who introduced his 
widowed daughter to Captain McAdam. He was of an 
ancient Ayrshire family, and uncle to John Loudoun Mc- 
Adam, the inventor of macadamized roads. In September, 
1757, Capt. McAdam married the widow Sarah Cunning- 
ham, and took her and her- two children to New York, the 
principal headquarters of the army. At the close of the 
war, possibly before, Captain McAdam returned to Ayr- 
shire with his family.^ 

Susanna and Sarah Cunningham were the special objects 
of Kilby s bounty and solicitude. They were sent to France, 
and there educated with care. Their domestic lives, and 
the lives of some of their descendants, are invested with 
an air of romance. Susanna was thrice married. Her first 
husband was James Dalrymple,^ of Orangefield, Ayrshire, 
the friend and patron of Robert Burns. By this marriage 
she had one son, Charles Dalrymple, an officer of the Brit- 
ish army. Through subsequent marriages, first with John 
Henry Mills,^ and afterwards with William Cunningham, 

1 Susanna Cunningham, bap. May i, mon emphatically calls ' a friend that 
1755; Sarah Cunningham, bap. Aug. sticketh closer than a brother.' " 

20, 1756. — Trinity Church Records, ■» John Henry Mills and Susanna his 

Boston. wife had son John and daughter Mary, 

2 Kilby's Letters; Family Papers. who came to lioston, where Mary mar- 

3 In one of Burns's letters he writes ried Col. Abraham Moore (H. C, 
thus of Dalrymple : "I have met in Mr. iSo6), and had Susanna Varnum, and 
Dalrymple, of Orangefield, what Solo- Mary Frances, who married the Hon. 



Christopher Kilby. 235 

both of Scotland, she is now represented in this country 
by her grandchildren, Mrs. Frances Maria Spofford, wife 
of the venerable Dr. Richard S. Spofford, of Newburyport, 
Mrs. Susanna Varnum Mears, of Boston, and Capt. Thomas 
Cunningham, of Somerville. Her sister, Sarah Cunning- 
ham,^ married William Campbell, of Ayrshire, and had 
two daughters, the eldest of whom, Elizabeth, married the 
seventh Duke of Argyll, grandfather, by a second marriage, 
of the present Marquis of Lorne;^ and the other daughter, 
Martha Kilby Campbell, married Charles Mc Vicar. 

The following is a copy of an original letter from Chris- 
topher Kilby to Thomas Hancock, before referred to.^ 

Spring Garden, iS July, 1746. 

Dear Hancock, — I am greatly oblig'd for the dispatch in Lum- 
ber and Bricks to Newfoundland, and for your advice of the vessels 
arrival there. The Louisburg affair is not in the deplorable case 
you have imagined, Capt. Bastide^ is Engineer, and the thing lays 
with him and his officers ; and I think you cannot fail of a season- 
John Cochran Park (H. C, 1834). Cunningham, above named, I am in- 
Their daughter, Mary Louisa Park, debted for permission to examine letters 
married Charles W. Tattle, author of and family papers in their possession 
this Memoir. — H. relating to the subject of this memoir. 

^ "On the 19th current was married I am also indebted to Charles L. Han- 
at Mount Charles, William Campljell, cock, Esq., for information contained 
Esq., Jun., of Fairfield, to Miss Sally in letters of Kilby and others, in his 
Cunningham, second daughter of the possession. 

late Nathaniel Cunningham, Esq., of * John Henry Bastide, royal engi- 
Boston." (London Chronicle, Nov. 3, neer for Nova Scotia. In April, 1745, 
1772, p. 430.) She died in London, Massachusetts granted him ^140 for 
Dec. 31, 17S1; her husband, WiUiam his services in the repairs of the 
Campbell, had died before. forts in tliis Province. He was made 

2 Burke's Peerage and Landed director of engineers in 1748, and 
Gentry. afterward raised to the rank of major- 

2 To the grandchildren of Susanna general. 



236 ChristopJicr Kilby. 

able part if any advantage is to be had ; but these officers arriving 
and a i;Tcat sum of Stcrhnu; money to be spent amongst you I should 
think Exchange must be constantly lowering till this service is over, 
and however that may be you'll certainly not want as much of their 
money as I should think you would be willing to take. I have men- 
tioned you to most of the Staff Otlicers on this Expedition.^ Mr. 
Abercrombie,^ who is Muster Master General, having directions to 
you in his Pocket-book, and if it should be necessary will intro- 
duce you to the General,'^ to whom indeed you '11 not need it, but 
apply to him as early as possible with the use of my name, and 
I hope he will receive you as my best Friend. We have been often 
together since his return to Town, and I believe he has a good opin- 
ion of my services in recovering the Expedition after it was laid 
aside. 

Pray do him all the service you can, and if you find it not incon- 
venient offer him a lodging in your house for a night or two, till he 
can be otherwise accommodated. His Power is great and may be 
useful to you; he is honest, open, and undissembling; you'll like 
him very well on increasing your acquaintance. 

Belcher* has got the Government of the Jerseys ; it was done by 
Duke of Newcastle yesterday, which neither Dr. Avery '^ nor I ex- 
pected two days before. I have not seen the Dr. since the appoint- 
ment, nor shall till his return to Town on Tuseday next. The vessel 

1 Tliis cx'ioilition was desicjncd to next in command to the Earl of Lou- 
proceed ai;ainst Can.\da. A squadron doun in 1756; he commanded the 
under Admir.U Warren was to go to English forces sent against Ticonde- 
Quehec by waj' of tlie St. Lawrence, roga in 175S. 

and a land force to Montreal by way of '^ Lieut.-Gen. James St. Clair. [For 

Albanv under the commantl of General a further notice of Lieut-Gen. St. Clair, 

St. Cl.iir. The Englisli troops collected see New Eng. Mist, and Gene. Register, 

at Portsmouth, England, and sailed x.wiii. 451-406. — H. | 

several times, but returned. They •» J^'"i^<'-^" InMcher, provincial gov- 

finally sailed for Franco, and the Can- ernor of ^Lissachusotts from 173010 

ada expedition was ab.uuloned. Kilhy's 1741 . 

letter indicates that they were to coine " Dr. T^enjamin Avery, a man of 

to lioston, — at least' the principal the greatest inliuence at Court al^out 

officers. this time. 

^ Gen. James Abercrombie ; he was 



CJiyistopher Kilby. 237 

that brought the News from Boston was several days below before 
her bag of Letters came up, and its said the Advice was sent in the 
mean time to Belcher's Friends. It's a shocking affair, and must 
destroy any favorable opinion entertained of the Duke of Newcastle 
by the People of the Colonics ; and I am of opinion it will lessen 
Gov'r Shirley's Influence in his own and in the Neighboring Gov- 
ernments. There is a very worthy set of people in the Jerseys that 
it will most fatally prejudice. I fear they have been almost ruined 
by Law without a possibility of getting so far thro' it -as to have an 
appeal home, and I am mistaken if some of them have not defended 
their possessions by fire and sword ; they will be in fine hands under 
Belcher, who is to be the Tool of the Quakers, as they are one 
would imagine of Satan. Some time past this seemed to be allotted 
for me^ by the desire of the Gentlemen who came from thence who 
had engaged Dr. AveYy's Interest to perfect it, and it was mentioned 
to, and approved of [by], the Duke of Newcastle. The vacancy has 
at last happened when it was impossible for me to accept it, and 
after consulting the Doctor we had laid a Plan for keeping the ap- 
pointment off till we could hear from our Friends, which neither he 
nor I have done by the ships that bring the News of Morris's''^ death, 
nor had many months before. But the Duke '^ differing in this In- 
stance from every other circumstance of this sort during his Admin- 
istration, has fix't the thing in the greatest hurry (on some other 
motive certainly than the Interest of the Quakers). As the thing 
concerns myself I am in no pain, not having been defeated ; but as 
it may be hurtful to the honest people who are to fall under his Gov- 
ernment and will stagger and discountenance the very best people 

1 Provincial /governor of New Jcr- of New Jersey. He died May 21, 

sey. Kilby's aspirations were not be- 1746. 

hind those of other Massachusetts * Du!:e of Newcastle, minister of 

a;i;enls, who always aspired for royal British America from 1724 to 1748. 

appointments as soon as they got fiiirly " Newcastle was of so fickle a head and 

Anglicized. so treacherous a heart that Walpole 

"^ Lewis Morris, ancestor of a very called his name ' Terfidy.' " — Bun- 
distinguished family, was chief-justice croft's History, 
of New York, and afterwards governor 



238 Christopher Kilby. 

in our own and the neighboring Colonies, it gives me much concern. 
This Letter must be broke off here to go to Portsmouth, where the 
Ships tarry, and [if] anything occurs I shall back it by another, 
being, dear Sir, 

Your most sincere Friend and obliged humble Servant, 

Chris. Kilby. 

To Mr. Thomas Hancock, 
Merchant in Boston. 



HUGH PERCY. 



HUGH PERCY, 



DUKE OF NORTHUMBERLAND, LIEUTENANT- 
GENERAL IN THE BRITISH ARMY.i 



/^NE hundred and twenty years ago the din of war and 
^-^ clash of arms still resounded along the frontiers of 
New England and New France. The fleets and armies of 
England were in deadly conflict with the fleets and armies 
of France, contending for empire in America. In 1760 this 
great and memorable strife had been going on with varying 
success, marked from time to time by dreadful barbarities 
of savage allies, five long and weary years. Throughout all 
the land, — 

" Each new morn, 
New widows howl ; new orphans cry ; new 
Sorrows strike heaven in the face." 

At length England put forth anew her military and naval 
strength, and supported by her American Colonies moved 

^ By the invitation of a number of day, April 19, 18S0, — the one hundred 

prominent citizens of Boston, Mr. Tut- and fifth anniversary of the British at- 

tle read the following paper before an tack on Concord and Lexington. — H. 
audience in Hawthorne Hall, on Mon- 

31 



242 Hugh Percy. 

against the fleets and armies of France, which soon melted 
away. Wolfe and Amherst and Boscawen won immortal 
renown. The frontiers of the British Empire rolled west- 
ward to the Pacific Ocean, and northward to the frozen 
seas. The name of New France disappeared forever from 
among the Provinces of North America. The conquest 
was complete, and England rose to the highest pitch of 
renown and greatness. The end of this great and memo- 
rable conflict, known in our annals as the last French and 
Indian War, but in Europe as the Seven Years' War, was 
sealed with the Peace of Paris, in the year 1763. 

At this great epoch in our history the English Colonies 
were as much attached to the English monarchy and gov- 
ernment as were any of the shires and counties between the 
Humbcr and Land's End. The people of the Colonies, 
grateful for the sacrifices made by England in crushing for- 
ever their ancient hereditary foe in America, felt a new at- 
tachment to the mother country. But in this victory, so 
glorious and so memorable, there lay concealed from mortal 
vision the germ of an internal political strife that ten years 
later led to a fratricidal war, dismembering the English Em- 
pire, and turned the fruits of victory to bitterness and to 
ashes. 

The expense of this great conquest in America had 
drained the English Exchequer; and the British ministry, 
in an evil hour, resolved to replenish it by taxation extend- 
ing throughout the empire. They said that inasmuch as 
the war in America had been carried on at vast outlay of 
money for the protection of the American Colonies, and 
had resulted in crushing forever the ancient disturber of 



Hugh Percy. 243 

their peace, it was but reasonable that the Colonies should 
contribute towards paying the expense of the war. To 
this end a rigid enforcement of the old Acts of Trade 
and Navigation, limiting the trade of the Colonies to Eng- 
land, was immediately undertaken. A royal naval force 
was despatched to cruise between Newfoundland and Flor- 
ida, to seize unlawful traders, and to assist the officers of 
His Majesty's customs in the execution of their duties. 
Parliament soon passed the famous Stamp Act, establish- 
ing a system of internal revenue in the Colonies, by which 
it was expected that ;^ 100,000 would annually thereafter 
flow into the English Exchequer. 

Oppressive and galling to the colonial trade as the en- 
forcement of the ancient Navigation Act was, there seemed 
no way of successfully resisting it ; but as to the Stamp Act, 
a new method of taxation, nearly all the Colonies protested 
against it. They contended that taxation and representa- 
tion went together; and that inasmuch as they had no rep- 
resentation in the British Parliament when the Stamp Act 
was passed, they were not bound to abide by it; and they 
resisted it, and it was reluctantly repealed in 1766. But the 
English ministry stoudy contended that they had a constitu- 
tional right to tax the Colonies, and immediately resorted to 
other methods of taxation through the royal custom-houses 
in the Colonies. Resistance to this new method of taxation 
was likewise made, and in Boston cargoes of tea sent from 
London were daringly cast into the harbor in December, 
^11 "h- This last act of violence and defiance of English 
laws made for the Colonics roused the English government 
to adopt measures of coercion. Parliament immediately 



244 Htigh Percy. 

passed acts shutting up the harbor of Boston, curtailing 
the charter rights of the Province, and ordering rebellious 
subjects to be sent into England, or other Provinces, for 
trial. These acts were ordered to be carried into immediate 
execution, and a portion of the royal army and navy was 
despatched to Boston in the spring of 1774. 

Among the veteran regiments that responded to this call 
was the Fifth Regiment of P'^oot, now and long since known 
as the Northumberland Fusileers, but then stationed in Ire- 
land and commanded by Col. Earl Percy, eldest son and 
heir of the Duke of Northumberland. This regiment was 
one of the oldest of the royal army. Its military annals 
extended back to the reign of Charles II., a period of one 
hundred years. Its origin was coeval with the formation 
of the English standing army, and its history crowded with 
thrilling events in the affairs of Europe. It was formed 
out of the English forces engaged in that memorable strug- 
o-le between the United Provinces and tha allies France 
and England. When England retired from that war of 
conquest — for it was the design of the allies at the outset 
to crush forever the nationality and independence of the 
United Provinces — in the spring of 1674, this regiment 
was one of several that were organized out of the Eng- 
lish force then to be disbanded. At that time, on account 
of the preponderance of Irish officers and soldiers in the 
rcf^iment, it was known as the Irish Regiment, its colonel 
then being O'Brien, Viscount of Clare. Although it soon 
lost its Irish character, yet it is probable that in memory of 
its origin the green was continued in its regimental colors, 
and likewise in its uniform. 



Hugh Percy. 245 

This war still continued with France, and the States-Gcn- 
eral made arrangements with Charles II. to take this and 
other English regiments into their service as an auxiliary 
force. So, wheeling about, this English force turned its 
arms against the French, its old ally, and fought them till 
the Peace of Nimeguen in 1678. Under the banners of the 
Prince of Orange this regiment fought with desperate valor, 
sometimes in divisions commanded by the Earl of Ossory,' 
and sometimes by the renowned Duke of Monmouth.' 
When this war ended, the States-General continued to keep 
this regiment and some others in its service and pay. 

In November, 1688, this regiment was called on to form 
part of that military force designed to accompany the Prince 
of Orange into England. It had revolted from the service 
of King James II. No one who has read Baron Macaulay's 
history of that bloodless campaign into E:ngland, need be 
told again of the conspicuous place of this regiment in that 
picturesque and gorgeous military cavalcade which escorted 
the Prince from Torbay to London, to ascend the throne of 
England under the title of William III. In that masterly 
narrative the Fifth Regiment is designated " Tolmash," the 
name of its then colonel. Afterwards it fought in the bat- 
tle of the Boyne under the eye of King William, and was 
later at the siege of Athlone and Limerick. I need not 
recount the battles, sieges, and fortunes of this Fifth Regi- 
ment of Foot during the three quarters of a century which 
followed, ending with its embarkation for Boston in the fore 
part of May, 1774. 

Earl Percy, colonel of this regiment at this last epoch, was 
descended not only from the noblest and most ancient houses 



246 Hugh Percy. 

of England and France, but also from royal houses of both 
kingdoms. In France his lineage is traced back to Charle- 
magne, a period of a thousand years. He had in his veins 
as much, and perhaps more, of the blood of the Norman, the 
Plantagenet, and the Tudor sovereigns of England as had 
King George III. The histories of England and France 
recount the deeds of his illustrious ancestors from the down- 
fall of the Western Empire. Among his lines of descent in 
England is the ancient warrior-house of Percy, the founder 
of which, William de Percy, a Norman baron, came into 
England with William the Conqueror, founded the Abbey 
of St. Hilda, and died in the Holy Land during the first 
Crusade. His descent in this illustrious family is through 
all the famous historical Earls of Northumberland, who flour- 
ished between the reigns of Edward III. and James II. 

At last, on the death of the eleventh Earl of Northumber- 
land the honors and the wealth of this great house descended 
to an heiress, the Lady Elizabeth Percy. She married 
Charles Seymour, the Duke of Somerset, descended from 
the Protector Somerset. Before this marriage, this proud 
noble of a historical house was obliged to bend and give 
his consent that he would surrender his great inherited 
name and take that of Percy. This, however, was waived 
by his wife after marriage. Their granddaughter, the Lady 
Elizabeth Seymour, daughter of Algernon Seymour, also 
Duke of Somerset and Earl of Northumberland, became 
the heiress of both these illustrious houses, Percy and Sey- 
mour. There was nothing that could add to her worldly 
honors and estate. Titles to six ancient baronies had de- 
scended to her, and all the castles and estates of the ancient 
Earls of Northumberland. "The blood of all the Percys 



Hugh Percy. 247 

and Seymours swelled in her veins and in her fancy," says 
Horace Walpole. 

In 1740 this great lady was married at Percy Lodge to 
Sir Hugh Smithson, a Yorkshire baronet of ancient family 
and great possessions. The fortunes and vicissitudes in 
the life of Sir Hugh Smithson have but few parallels in 
history. This marriage conferred on him great distinction 
in the estimation of his contemporaries ; but it was only a 
step to greater things. 

On the decease of Algernon Seymour, his wife's father, 
in 1750, the titles of Earl of Northumberland and Baron 
Warkworth descended to Sir Hugh Smithson, pursuant 
to a limitation in^ the grant of these titles to Seymour, 
making him a peer of England. At the same time Parlia- 
ment enacted that his family name, Smithson, should be 
changed to Percy, — the name contemplated in the marriage 
settlement of the Baroness Percy and the proud Duke of 
Somerset seventy-five years before, — and that he should 
take and bear the arms of the ancient Earls of Northum- 
berland, from whom his wife was descended. This now Sir 
Hugh Percy, Earl of Northumberland, was soon made lord 
of the bedchamber of George H., vice-admiral of Northum- 
berland, knight of the garter, lord-lieutenant of Middlesex 
and Westminster, and viceroy of Ireland. At this epoch he 
appears, or rather should appear, in our American history ; 
for in 1764 he was appointed by the King vice-admiral over 
all America. 

When this appointment was announced here, Benning 
Wentworth, royal governor of New Hampshire, in honor 
of the Earl, soon bestowed the name Northumberland on a 



248 Httgh Percy. 

new township in that Province. Two years later (1766) he 
was created Earl Percy and Duke of Northumberland. 
In 1784, as if no number of titles of honor could suflfice, 
he was created Lord Lovaine and Baron Alnwick of 
Alnwick. Two years later he died ; and his hereditary 
titles and estates descended to his eldest son, Hugh Percy, 
of whom I am discoursing. I may add that this great per- 
son was born, not only to leave his own name, but the names 
of two sons, immortalized in the pages of American his- 
tory, — one in the annals of the Revolutionary War, and 
the other (James Smithson, founder of the Smithsonian 
Institution at Washington) in the brightest pages of the 
catalogue of public benefactors. 

The number of castles, baronies, and manors of this 
newly-married pair, in 1740, admitted of their having a 
home in many parts of England. But in 1742 they were 
living in the parish of St. George, Hanover Square, London, 
where, on the 25th day of August (new style), their eldest 
son, Hugh (then Smithson), was born. Before he vi^as eight 
years old he found his surname transmuted into Percy, 
and his title, Lord Warkworth, — the second title of his 
father, then Earl of Northumberland. By this title — a 
title of courtesy — he was known to the public until 1766, 
when his father was raised to a dukedom, and Lord 
Warkworth became Earl Percy, by which title he is known 
in our annals. Young Lord Warkworth was educated at 
Eton, and was there with Earl Cornwallis, who was a Brit- 
ish general in our Revolutionary War. A passion for war 
seems early to have possessed him ; and no wonder, when 
he had read the deeds of his illustrious ancestors in the his- 



Httgh Percy. 249 

toric pages of England, especially of the ancient Earls of 
Northumberland. Before he was eighteen years of age 
he had served one whole campaign in Germany, as a volun- 
teer officer under Prince Ferdinand, in the Seven Years' 
War; and before he was twenty he was appointed lieutenant- 
colonel of the First Foot Guards. 

In July, 1764, at the age of twenty-two years, Lord 
Warkworth married the Lady Anne Stuart, daughter of the 
Earl of Bute, late prime minister of England, and grand- 
daughter of the renowned Lady Mary Wortley Montagu. 
In the month of December following he was appointed 
aide-de-camp to King George III. In the early part of 
1768, Earl Percy, formerly Lord Warkworth, was elected a 
member of Parliament for Westminster; and again in 1774, 
while he was in Boston. 

In November, 1768, he realized what all ambitious 
English soldiers much desire, — the colonelcy of the Fifth 
Regiment of Foot in the royal army. This was obtained 
through Lord Granby, the commander-in-chief. This ap- 
pointment was not well received, especially among those 
who thought their military services entitled them to that 
place. Three months hardly passed before Earl Percy was 
astonished, and perhaps mortified, to see his name made 
conspicuous before the whole kingdom in a publication that 
ranks among English classics. A masked political writer, 
from his den of concealment, turned his baleful eye and 
scorching pen upon this act of Lord Granby. " Did he 
not," shouted Junius, "betray the just interests of the army 
in permitting Lord Percy to have a regiment } " Sir William 
Draper, a general in the army, came forward to defend his 

32 



250 Hugh Percy. 

chief, and to answer Junius. " In placing Earl Percy at the 
head of a regiment," said Sir William, " I do not think either 
the rights or best interests of the army are sacrificed and 
betrayed, or the nation undone. ... I feel myself happy 
in seeing young noblemen of illustrious name and great 
property come amongst us. They are an additional security 
to the kingdom from foreign or domestic slavery. Junius 
needs not be told, that, should the time ever come when this 
nation is to be defended only by those who have nothing 
more to lose than their arms and their pay, its danger will 
be great indeed." 

From the time of his marriage in 1764, to his appoint- 
ment as colonel in the army, he had lived with his wife 
at Stenwick. But now some domestic infelicity imbittered 
his home, and he and Lady Percy entered into articles of 
separation, and thereafter lived apart, having no communi- 
cation whatever with each other. Lord Percy joined his 
regiment in Ireland, and was in England only twice during 
the four years which preceded his embarkation for America. 

A few illustrative anecdotes are related of him at this 
period, which place his character in an amiable light. 
Hearing that there was in his regiment a private soldier of 
good reputation, the son of a half-pay officer, Lord Percy, 
at his own charge, procured for him the commission of 
ensign, and presented it to the poor soldier. As his regi- 
ment was on the point of embarking for Boston, he stepped 
forward and discharo:ed all the debts of those officers who 
had not the means at hand. Hearing that the wife of a 
poor soldier was sick with the small-pox and must be left 
behind, he generously gave eight guineas for her comfort 



Hugh Percy. 251 

and support, and ordered her to be sent to her husband in 
Boston, on her recovery, at his charge. Another anecdote 
is related of him, supposed to illustrate his habit of econ- 
omy. Horace Walpole spoke of him as " a penurious, un- 
dignified young man in America." But Horace Walpole 
did not love the Percys, and his sayings of them are to be 
taken with much allowance for his antipathy. While in 
Ireland, Lord Percy gave a dinner to the officers of the 
garrison at Limerick, stipulating with the landlord that it 
should not cost above eighteen pence per head for fifty per- 
sons. The officers, hearing of this arrangement, privately 
made a contract with the landlord to provide an entertain- 
ment that should cost a guinea a head, and if Lord Percy 
failed to pay the difference, they would. Wlien this ban- 
quet was served, there was but one astonished person at 
the board, and that was his lordship, who beheld a feast for 
the gods, which he had ordered at eighteen pence per head. 
On all sides he heard compliments of his generosity, the 
excellence of the viands and wines. His health was drunk 
with an enthusiasm that fairly bewildered him. When he 
rose to return thanks it dawned upon him what had oc- 
curred to derange his expectations, and he enjoyed the 
joke. 

It was said at the time that Lord Percy came to America 
at the special request of the King. This may be true ; but 
he was a soldier and a firm believer in using force to reduce 
the rebellious Colonies to obedience. The Kino: undoubt- 
edly wished to avail himself of the moral effect of some 
of those qualities mentioned by Sir William Draper on his 
soldiers as well as on the people of the Colonies. Rank 



252 Hugh Percy. 

and power, to awe the people of Massachusetts to obedi- 
ence ! King George did not know his subjects on this side 
of the Atlantic ! 

On the 7th of May, 1774, Lord Percy embarked with 
his regiment at Kinsale, in government transports, for 
Boston in New England. Part of the regiment reached 
Boston on the ist of July; the remainder, in the same trans- 
port with Lord Percy, on the 4th of July, — a day then in 
no wise memorable in our political calendar, but destined 
only two years later to take a rank never to be surpassed in 
our annals ! From the day he left Ireland for America to 
the day of his return to England, — a period of three years, 
— the eyes of the British people never turned from him, 
whether he was in battle or in camp ; nor was he less ob- 
served by the people of the Colonies. The Colonial press 
everywhere heralded his coming. It was announced that 
" a descendant of the never-to-be-forgotten hero who fought 
the battle of Chevy Chase " (as he truly was, for he carried 
the blood of Hotspur in his veins) was soon expected in 
America with his regiment. 

Tuesday, the 5th day of July, the weather, as is recorded, 
was "fair and pleasant" in Boston. That day Lord Percy's 
regiment landed at Long Wharf, marched through the 
streets directly to the Common, and there encamped. This 
martial pageant attracted the gaze of thousands of citizens, 
and the spectacle was long remembered. While in Ireland 
the regiment had earned for itself the significant name, "the 
Shiners," from its extreme cleanliness and attention to dress. 
The coats of the rank and file were faced with gosling 
green, and medals of merit shone on the breasts of many 



Hugh Percy. 253 

a veteran soldier. The officers were richly dressed in scarlet 
and gold. A green silken flag having thereon the figures 
of Saint George and the Dragon, with the ancient and ex- 
pressive motto, Quo Fata Vacant, waved gently above the 
heads of these heroes of many battlefields. The grena- 
dier company was led by a young officer who afterwards 
rose to be a lieutenant-general in the British army and a 
peer of the realm. This lieutenant, Lord Francis Rawdon, 
of ancient and noble lineage, a few years later commanded 
the royal troops in South Carolina, became governor-general 
of India, and the Marquis of Hastings. 

There were already encamped on the fresh grass of Bos- 
ton Common two -^veteran regiments of the British line, 
when Percy's went into camp. One of them was the Fourth, 
or King's Own, and it must have suggested no pleasant 
memories to Massachusetts men who knew its history. A 
century before it had been commanded during many years 
by the infamous Col. Percy Kirke, the same person who 
had been selected by Charles II. in the last months of his 
reign to be governor of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, 
and Plymouth, after the overthrow of the Charter in the 
year 1684. His name had been for generations a synonym 
in New England for all that was cruel and barbarous. 

Earl Percy soon found one of the best houses in Boston 
for his residence. This fine mansion stood at the corner of 
Winter and Tremont streets, almost within the sound of my 
voice ; and although standing back from both streets, leaving 
a fine lawn around it, its windows overlooked the Common. 
It was then owned by John Williams, a commissioner of 
His Majesty's customs in Boston. It had been the residence 



254 Hug J I Pei'cy. 

of some very noted persons, Colonel Vetch, WInthrop, Ox- 
nard, and others well known in the history of Boston. 

There are many persons now living who remember that 
venerable structure. Here Earl Percy lived in a style be- 
fitting his rank as an officer and a nobleman, besides spend- 
ing a large sum in acts of charity and generosity, until he 
quitted Boston with the army in March, 1776, a period of 
nearly two years. 

Soon after Earl Percy's arrival in Boston, Sir John Went- 
worth, the royal governor of New Hampshire, complimented 
him by giving the name Percy to a new township in the north- 
ern part of that Province, adjoining Northumberland. For 
more than half a century the town flourished under this 
historic and romantic name. General Stark, hero of Ben- 
nington and patriot of wide renown, had lain several years 
in his grave without his name being attached to any moun- 
tain peak or any township. But in 1832 the patriotic citi- 
zens of New Hampshire could no longer endure this neglect 
of the memory of their favorite warrior, and applied to the 
Legislature of the State to substitute the name Stark for 
that of Percy, and it was accordingly done. The name Percy, 
however, still clings to that region. The Percy Peaks, two 
conical mountains rising above all the adjacent region, bear 
his name and proclaim themselves far and wide. 

Boston must have been a dreary abode for his lordship, 
in spite of all his ample means to make himself comfortable. 
There was no place in the whole British Empire, whither 
he could have gone, more gloomy and more rebellious than 
Boston. The port had been shut more than a month when 
he arrived, and all commercial transactions in this metropo- 



Hugh Percy. 255 

lis of New England were at an end. Days of fasting and 
prayer on account of " the present alarming situation of our 
affairs " were proclaimed in the newspapers. Droves of 
cattle and flocks of sheep, the gifts of sympathizing persons 
in the Colony to the needy inhabitants of Boston, poured 
throuG:h the streets. BreathinGfs of defiance and hatred of 
the English government could be heard on all sides and 
snuffed in every breeze. The inhabitants gazed sullenly on 
the martial spectacle augmenting on the Common. Every 
day the breach between England and her Colonies widened. 
Edmund Burke justly observed that as the number of acts of 
Parliament increased, the number of His Majesty's subjects 
in the Colonies decreased. Had his lordship been in Boston 
six years before, he might have witnessed a spectacle that 
showed how these people detested the ministers of the 
King whose acts had led to this state of affairs. He 
might have seen drawn through these very streets where 
his regiment had so proudly marched the effigies of his 
own father-in-law, the Earl of Bute, and of George Gren- 
ville, both in full court dress, saluted with every insult and 
indignity that an angry people could suggest, landed at 
the gallows on the Neck, and there burned amid the jeers 
and shouts of the multitude. 

When Lord Percy landed at Boston, General Gage, gov- 
ernor of Massachusetts, and commander-in-chief of the 
British army in America, was staying at his summer resi- 
dence near Salem. He immediately put Lord Percy in 
command of the royal troops in Boston. This gave him 
sufficient employment ; for there were constant collisions 
between the troops and the inhabitants, and many com- 



256 HiigJi Percy. 

plaints reached the attentive ear of Percy.^ At the end 
of the first week in August, about a month after his arrival, 
the royal troops had poured so fast into Boston that there 
were six regiments, besides several companies of artillery. 
General Gage formed these regiments into two brigades, 
and appointed Colonel Lord Percy a brigadier of the first, 
and Colonel Pisfot bricradier of the second. 

The storm of war was approaching. Both parties were 
collecting ammunition, especially the Provincials. General 
Gage thought it good policy to get into his hands the am- 
munition of the insurgents. On the ist of September he 
sent a military force to the powder-house in Charlestown, 
and took away all the powder which had been collected 
there. Another force went to Cambridge and took away 
two pieces of cannon. These acts produced an immense 
uproar, and thousands of persons in the country seized their 
arms and hastened towards Boston. The people refused 
to be comforted. Gage at once fortified the Neck "to 
protect His Majesty's troops and His Majesty's subjects." 
This sudden and threatening movement was magnified in 
London into an attack on Boston, and it was reported that 
Lord Percy was slain. Bets were freely made and taken 
on the event. Lord Percy was a candidate for re-election 
to Parliament, and the election was at hand. Those op- 
posed to him industriously propagated the rumor of his 
death ; but it availed not, for he was elected.^ 

1 For several interesting references under date of Oct. 12, 1774, to Joseph 
to Earl Percy's intercourse with the Galloway, says: "It teing objected to 
people of Boston, see tlie Letters of one of the candidates for Westminster, 
John Andrews in Proceedings of Mass. Lord Percy, that he was absent on the 
Hist. Society, viii. 316-412. — H. wicked business of cutting the throats 

2 Dr. Franklin, writing from London, of our American brethren, his friends 



Hugh Percy. 257 

During the four months' civil administration of General 
Gage he had been industriously issuing proclamations with 
the view to stay the progress of the rebellion ; but he failed 
in his purpose. Every act of his seemed to promote a col- 
lision. The reins of executive government were now fall- 
ing from his hands. On the same day that he seized the 
powder and cannon he summoned the General Court to 
meet at Salem on the 5th of October. A week before that 
day came round he issued a proclamation forbidding it. 
The members of the Court met, nevertheless, resolved 
themselves into a Provincial Congress, and adopted meas- 
ures by which they effectually called into being a govern- 
ment of the people. The authority of Parliament was no 
longer recognized. 

The Provincial Congress, now wielding the executive and 
legislative powers of government, immediately took measures 
to organize a military force sufficient to oppose and repel the 
English troops now encamped in Boston. From this mo- 
ment a steady preparation for hostilities went forward to the 
hour of the first conflict at Lexington, five months later. 

But a single public occurrence worthy of mention took 
place in the career of Lord Percy between October and the 
memorable day at Lexington, in April, 1775. On the last 
day of March, 1775, at the head of his brigade, he made an 
excursion into the country, going as far as Jamaica Plain. 
The people became alarmed, and messengers were quickly 
sent hither and thither to cfive notice of this movement of 

have thought necessary this mornins: to These circumstances [he had mentioned 
pubhsh a letter of his expressing that several] show that the American cause 
he is on good terms with the people of begins to be more popular here." (Frank- 
Boston, and much respected by them, lin's Works, viii. 138, 139.) — H. 

33 



258 HitgJi Percy. 

the royal troops. Great numbers of the Provincials assem- 
bled, fully armed. It was first supposed that the troops 
designed to go to Concord to seize and destroy stores ; for 
rumor had some time before made known such an intent. 
The most considerable complaint of this military movement 
came from the farmers residing on the road through which 
Percy and his troops passed. While on the march the 
soldiers found it convenient to do a good deal of flanking 
service, at the expense of stone walls, rail fences, tender 
shrubbery, and fields recently sown with grain. The yeo- 
manry of that region howled vengeance on the red-coats, 
and may have gotten it near the end of the next three weeks. 
Curses both loud and deep followed hard upon the heels of 
their rear-guard. 

The memorable conflict of the British troops and 
Provincials at Concord and Lexington has been related 
here so many times within a few years that you must know 
it all. Earl Percy shared in this first baptism of fire and 
blood, of which this day is the one hundred and fifth anni- 
versary. He led reinforcements to Lexington, and he also 
led the retreat to Boston. That he conducted that retreat 
according to approved military rules, that he showed courage 
and coolness in the most trying moments, has always been 
allowed. That he escaped death, under a fire of several 
hours, was regarded a miracle. Indeed, a report went forth, 
even to England, that he was killed. " News came that 
Lord Percy was dead and buried," wrote the minister of 
Portland, Maine, Dr. Deane, in his diary of that date. 

In the dreadful battle of Bunker Hill, two months later, 
he was not a participant, his brigade not being summoned 



Hug J I Percy. 259 

to take part in that engagement, but left to protect Boston. 
His regiment, being in the brigade of General Pigot, was in 
that action, where, says General Burgoyne, who was a spec- 
tator of the battle, " it fought best and lost most." Percy 
was active in giving relief to the sufferers of that day. 
In the midst of all this suffering an Irish officer put the 
camp in a roar by exclaiming, " Indade, we have gained — 
but a loss ! " 

On the loth of July, before news of the battle reached 
England, Percy was appointed a major-general in the 
British army in America. He had served in the capacity 
of brisradier-general almost from the time of his arrival. 
Eight months passed without any considerable event in 
his military life. The British troops were now shut up in 
Boston, with only a passage out by water, and guarded by 
no less a person than General Washington, who had 
arrived at Cambridge and taken command of the Provin- 
cial army. 

I beg leave to read a single letter written by Percy at this 
time to General Haldimand in London, showing how cheer- 
ful he was, how attentive to the business of the army, and 
what pains he had taken to oblige a friend : — 

Boston, Dec. 14, 1775. 
Dear Sir, — Since I did myself the pleasure of writing to you 
last, our situation is exactly the same. The Rebels, however, have 
been too fortunate in other places. . Canada, as you will have been 
already informed, is in their hands. Besides this, they have been 
very successful at sea, having taken a brig loaded with military 
stores, and — what was to them still a greater prize — a ship from 
Glasgow with great quantities of blanketing, woollens, and shoes, 
all which they were before in great want of As they have yes- 



26o Hugh Percy. 

tcrday begun to fling up a work upon Phip's Farm, just opposite to 
liarton's Point, I fancy they mean to bring the mortar which they 
took in the ordnance brig. If they do, they may trouble us a good 
deal, as they are within about looo yards of the Town. It is very 
odd that Great Britain still persists in sending out vessells to this 
part of the world unarmed. The Transports with the troops from 
Ireland are not yet arrived. One, indeed, with 4 Companies of the 
17th Reg., came in here about 6 weeks ago; we imagine the rest 
are gone to the West Indies. Our Discipline is exactly the same as 
when you left us, which we shall begin to perceive now the Troops 
have got into winter quarters. I am extremely happy to find that 
your reception in London was agreeable to you ; you merited it. 
I had no doubt that His Majesty would do what was proper. I as- 
sure you, you are by no means forgot by your friends on this side 
the Atlantic. Gen. Howe, in the handsomest manner, in the Aug- 
mentation, appointed your nephew a 2nd Lieu* in his own Reg., 
imagining, as you had desired he might do duty with it, that such 
a step would be agreeable to you ; and yesterday he very obligingly 
appointed him a full Lieutenant in the 45th Reg., chusing particu- 
larly that Corps, as there were two situations vacant ; by which 
means your nephew would have a Lieutenant under him, and there- 
fore would not be broke, tho' the youngest Company should be 
again reduced. 

I have had the pleasure of being acquainted with Lt. Col. 
Monkton, and shall take care to particularly recommend Mr. 
Haldimand to his care. Adieu, my dear Gen. Keep yourself 
warm this cold weather, and be assured I am, with greatest truth. 

Your sincere friend 

And humble servant, 

Percy. 

I beg you will be kind enough to make my very best compliments 
to Capt. Dorkins, and tell him the Engineers have not found it 
necessary to alter his works in the least, which have been found 
remarkably useful. 



Hugh Percy, 261 

The next important military event in Boston in which 
Percy was concerned took place early in March, 1776, 
when the Provincial army took possession of Dorchester 
Heights. The British army was even more surprised to 
see our troops there than they had been to see them at 
Bunker Hill. And well they might be ; for unless they 
were removed, the whole British force would immediately be 
prisoners to General Washington. General Howe resolved 
to attack them by night, and appointed Percy to command 
the troops. Percy proceeded to Castle Island to carry out 
the design ; but the wind and wave prevented the attack, 
and it was given up. General Howe now resolved to evac- 
uate Boston, and did so on the ever memorable 17th of 
March, 1776. Percy proceeded with the troops to Halifax. 
Ten days after he left Boston he was made lieutenant- 
general in the British army in America. 

Although the British army had left Boston without ac- 
complishing the purpose for which they had been sent, the 
British Ministry no more faltered in its purpose of coercion 
than the Colonies in their purpose to resist.^ Back came 

^ The patriotic zeal of the people his text 2 Kings vii. 7 : " Wherefore 

was greatly stimulated and sustained they arose and fled in the twilight, and 

by the clergy generally. A few hours left their tents, and their horses, and 

after the enemy retreated from Bos- their asses, even the camp as it was, 

ton, the Rev. Abiel Leonard, D.D., and fled for their life." 
chaplain to the Connecticut troops, The Rev. Andrew Eliot, D.D., 

preached at Cambridge a sermon be- preached a discourse, on March 28, 

fore General Washington and others being the Thursday lecture (General 

of distinction, from Exodus xiv. 25 : Washington and the Council be- 

" And took off their chariot wheels, ing present by invitation), from Isaiah 

that they drave them heavily ; so that xxxiii. 20 : " Look upon Zion, the 

the Egyptians said, Let us flee from city of our solemnities: thine eyes 

the face of Israel ; for the Lord fighteth shall see Jerusalem a quiet habitation, 

for them against the Egyptians." a tabernacle that shall not be taken 

The Rev. Ebenezer Bridge, of down ; not one of the stakes thereof 

Chelmsford, preached a discourse in shall ever be removed, neither shall any 

Boston, March 24, 1776, having for of the cords thereof be broken." — H. 



262 HngJi Percy. 

this army, early in July, much refreshed, and prepared for 
a new campaign against the rebellious Colonies. It gave 
Boston a wide berth, landing at Staten Island. While Earl 
Percy was there celebrating the second anniversary of his 
arrival in America, the members of the Continental Con- 
gress at Philadelphia were signing an immortal Declaration, 
putting the war on a new issue, — Freedom, and Independ- 
ence of England. 

The British army, on receiving large reinforcements, 
was organized into three great divisions. Earl Percy, now a 
lieutenant-general, having command of one. General Howe 
attacked the Provincial army on Long Island with complete 
success, Earl Percy's division having a share in this battle. 
The British army, flushed with victory, followed the Provin- 
cial army to New York, and there again was successful. At 
the attack on Fort Washington, Earl Percy led his division 
into the thickest of the fight. His horse was shot under 
him. His valor was applauded. 

On the ist of December General Howe sent the fleet 
under Sir Peter Parker, and also six thousand men under 
the joint command of Earl Percy and Sir Henry Clinton, to 
take Newport, R. I. The large frigates passed outside Long 
Island, and the smaller ones, with the transports having 
the troops, inside. While this fleet stood off New London, 
so vast did it appear that it seemed as if the very waters 
groaned under its pressure. This was on the 5 th of De- 
cember, a day memorable in the life of Earl Percy. For on 
this day his mother, the Duchess of Northumberland, died 
in London, and the ancient baronies of Percy, Lucy, Poyn- 
ings, Fitz-Payne, Bryan, and Latimer, which had come 
down with the blood of the ancient Earls of Northumber- 



Hugh Percy. 2.62) 

land, to his mother, descended to her son. Earl Percy. He 
was now a peer of the realm in his own right, and his title 
Baron Percy. A new election was ordered at Westminster 
to fill his place in the House of Commons. 

The fleet and army were entirely successful. Newport 
fell into their hands with scarce a struggle. Sir Henry 
Clinton soon after left, and Percy succeeded to the com- 
mand. Here occurred an event which led to his leaving 
America some months later. While Howe and Cornwallis 
were struggling with the Provincial forces in New Jersey, 
they suddenly needed reinforcements. Howe sent to Earl 
Percy for fifteen hundred men, and got only eleven hun- 
dred, Percy assigning as a reason for withholding men that 
he was daily expecting an attack by the Provincials, and 
that his garrison was already too weak to resist a resolute 
attack. General Howe was enraged, and wrote Percy a 
sharp reproof for not obeying his order to the letter. This 
reproof Percy thought undeserved, and he procured leave 
to return to England. He sailed from Newport on the 
5th of May, 1777, and never returned to America.^ 

1 On his departure from Rhode form regard to Religion and Decency 
Island, a considerable number of the which would add Dignity to the meanest 
most respectable inhabitants of New- station, with that condescending Affa- 
port presented the Earl with a formal bility which stoops without any view to 
address expressive of their high appre- private Advantage; and above all, with 
ciation of his liberal and humane con- that unbounded and well-directed Gen- 
duct, and of his personal character, erosity which has so often procured for 
After mentioning in terms of gratitude your Excellency the blessings of tiiose 
the good order and discipline he had who were ready to perish." (Newport 
maintained among his troops, they add: Gazette, May 8, 1777.) 
"The fear of offending (not insensi- The Independent Chronicle (Boston), 
bility) prevents us, at present, from of Oct. 23, 1777, has the following : "It 
attempting to express how much we are is impossible to express the regret of 
affected with your Excellency's great the army on the departure of Lord 
and amiable private virtues, with that Percy. Provincials as well as our own 
spotless Integrity of Manners and uni- people, if in distress, shared alike in his 



264 



Hugh Percy. 



In November he moved the address to the King in the 
House of Lords. Among other things he defended the 
officers of the British army in America from aspersions 
cast on them in England, and spoke encouragingly and 
hopefully of the war if prosecuted with vigor.^ In 1779 



benefactions. He kept open table for 
inferior officers. In short, he spent 
while in America ten thousand pounds 
of his own fortune, all his pay, and up- 
wards of twenty-five thousand pounds 
remitted to him by the Duke and 
Duchess." 

Soon after his return to England 
Lord Percy was fixed upon as a fit per- 
son to be placed at the head of the 
commission to negotiate with the Colo- 
nies, but this service he declined. 
(Gentleman's Magazine, Ixxxvii. 182.) 
— H. 

1 The following, taken from Almon's 
Parliamentary Register, ix. 2-5, is the 
report of the Duke's address on the 
occasion referred to in the text. — H. 

Lord Percy acquainted the House that it 
had fallen to his lot to have the honor of 
moving an address in answer to the most 
gracious speech now read. He acknowl- 
edged his own insufficiency for an under- 
taking which called for the most zealous and 
energetic language that House was capa- 
ble of expressing itself in. 

His Lordship observed an event had 
happened since they last sat there, which 
ought to give every noble Lord present the 
most heartfelt pleasure ; that was the birth 
of a princess, as it was an additional secu- 
rity to the Protestant religion, and the en- 
joyment of those constitutional rights which 
were known to be so peculiarly the care of 
the amiable and virtuous sovereign on the 
throne, and were likely to be transmitted 
to the latest posterity through his illustrious 
house. . . . He acknowledged his obliga- 
tions, in conunon with the officers serving in 
America, for the very gracious testimony 
which has been given of their services by 
their royal master, and the high confidence 
he expressed in the spirit and intiepidity 



of his forces both by sea and land. He la- 
mented, as a professional man, what a dis- 
agreeable situation persons serving in high 
commands stood in, when accidents which 
it was frequently not in the power of the 
greatest military skill or foresight to de- 
scry or prevent were attributed to neglect 
or incapacity. He lamented the fate of 
those brave and able men who were thus 
liable to suffer under unjust censures ; and 
whose absence in a distant country neces- 
sarily prevented them from having an op- 
portunity to defend themselves. From his 
own knowledge he could affirm that they 
were as cruel as ill founded. It was im- 
possible, at this distance, to pass a judg- 
ment on the operations of war ; it was 
injudicious and unfair to estimate their pro- 
priety by the events. It was with particular 
satisfaction, therefore, that he perceived His 
Majesty and his ministers, and he believed 
a very great majority of the nation, en- 
tertained sentiments of a very different 
kind. ... 

His Lordship expressed great sorrow for 
the occasion of the war, and the effusion of 
human blood, which was inseparable from 
such a state ; but he was convinced, how 
much soever His Majesty, the Parliament, 
and the nation might feel on the occasion, 
the temper of America made it necessary; 
the people there had been deluded and mis- 
led by their leaders ; and nothing, he feared, 
would compel them to return to their alle- 
giance, but a continuance of the same de- 
cisive exertions on our part till we were 
fully enabled to convince them that as our 
rights were indisputably superior, so our 
strength was fully adequate to their full 
maintenance and support. 

He concluded his remarks on the speech 
with passing great commendation on the 
humane, gracious, fatherly spirit w'hich, he 
said, it breathed, and the invitation it held 
forth to our deluded Colonies to return 



Hugh Percy. 265 

he procured a divorce from his wife, with whom he had not 
lived for ten years, and by whom he had no issue, and in the 
same year married Frances JuHa Burrell, one of the daughters 
of a house not then distinguished for opulence, antiquity, or 
renown, but for making great matrimonial alliances.^ He 
soon retired to Stenwick with his new wife, and there 
watched with much interest the American war and public 
affairs, without taking any part in them. He was much 
disgusted with the leaders of affairs in England, and was 
stung with neglect of the Ministry. In 1782 he wrote from 
Stenwick to his friend, the Right Hon. George Ross, as 
follows : — 

What encouragemeht is there for any man of Rank to exert him- 
self in the service of the King and country, when the only reward 
he is likely to meet with is a total neglect, and constantly to have 
the mortification of seeing every person without either weight, 
consequence, or merit, preferred before him in every instance, both 
civil and military. I may without vanity assert that there is not 
an officer in the army who has done his duty in the line of his 
profession, with more zeal and attention than myself ; and in con- 
sequence of that it is now fourteen years since I have received the 
smallest mark of approbation of His Majesty or his Ministers. 

In 1784 he resigned the colonelcy of the Fifth Regiment, 
on being promoted to the command of a troop of the 
Grenadier Guards. In 1 786 his father, the Duke of North- 
to their loyalty and their former constitii- chioness of Exeter, the Countess of 

rn^ry^°"T.?r£ordlrrn"^^:;;^v?d'S ^VP^ ^^' -^^^ ^^^>'1>- ^^elssul 

humble address ^^ ^'^'^ marna-e was five daughters, 

1 TTro^o^c T V Tj ,1 , . . , °"^ °^ ^^'^°™ married Lord James Mur- 

Frances Julia Burrell was the third ray, second son of the Duke of Athol • 

dau,^hter of Peter Burrell, Esq., of and two sons, whose names are given 

Beckenham, Kent, sister to the Mar- in the text. — H. 

34 



266 Hugh Percy. 

umberland, died, and Lord Percy succeeded to the title of 
Duke and Earl of Northumberland, and other titles, and to 
vast estates in Great Britain. In 1793 he was made a 
general in the royal army. Above all, he was made knight 
of the garter, — the most ancient and splendid order of 
knighthood in England, if not in all Europe. 

He was member of the House of Commons eight years, 
and of the House of Peers forty years ; yet if the indexes 
to the journals of these Houses are correct, he spoke not 
once in the Commons, and but twice in the House of Peers, 
during all that time. 

For the last twenty years of his life he was afflicted with 
gout, and quite withdrawn from public view. He interested 
himself with the organization of fifteen hundred of his ten- 
antry in Yorkshire into a military body, whom he clothed, 
fed, and paid, — showing a bias for military employments 
to the last. The annual revenue from his estates was esti- 
mated at eighty thousand pounds sterling.^ 

^ The followino^, extracted from the Percy Yeomanry, the whole being clothed, 

Gentleman's Magazine tor July, 1S17, appo'inted, paid, and maintained"" by him- 

gives additional facts in the life of the self ; Government finding arms and accou- 

j)y[^g Y^ trements alone. To his tenants he was a 

" . ' . most excellent landlord ; and the monu- 

IIis tmie and attention have been chiefly n^e„t j^^t erected by them in honor of him 

employed in continuing and completing will transmit to posterity the memory of his 

the improvements begun by his father in kindness and indulgence, and of their grati- 

the princely mansions of ^orthumbcrland t^^e. Q„e custom which he introd\iced 

House Zion House, and Alnwick Castle, among them cannot be too highly praised 

in Northumberland, where, in his extensive ^^ too extensively imitated ; it^ wis that of 

domains, upwards of a million of timber providing for the industrious hinds of every 

and other trees were annually planted for j^^^ge farm by giving them a cottage and 

many years. 1 he large income of his ten" acres of land, which proves an e^1C0ur- 

Grace, estimated at not less than ;^!>o.ooo agement to industrious youth and a secur- 

per annum, was expended in these useful itV against want in old age. In readv money 

pursuits and in keeping up the ancient teu- ^is Grace was for years Considered the most 

dal splendor in the Castle of the Percys, wealthy man in England ; which he often 

During the Kite war with France he raised emploved in rescuing industrious families 

from among his tenantry in the country fro,„ ruin. . . . The^ personal property is 

from winch he derived his title a corps of g^o^n to as under ;^7do,ooo. 
1,500 men, under the denomination of the 



HttgJi Percy. 267 

Lord Percy died at Northumberland House in London, 
July 10, 181 7, and a week later his body was borne to West- 
minster Abbey, with extraordinary pomp and solemnity, and 
deposited in the Percy vault in St. Nicholas Chapel.^ 

He left two sons, both of whom succeeded to his titles 
and estates. The eldest, Hugh Percy, who had already 
distinguished himself in Parliament, now became Duke of 
Northumberland, and died in 1847, without issue. The 
titles and estates then went to his brother, Algernon Percy, 
a naval officer, and a man of science and learning. He 
died in 1865, without issue. Thus ended the male line 
of Lord Percy. The titles and estates thence passed into 
the line of his youngest brother, Algernon Percy, Earl of 
Beverly.^ 

^ An extended account of the funeral Nineteenth Century, by Edward Bar- 
is given in the Gentleman's Magazine, rington de Fonblanque, issued in two 
Ixxxvii. S3-S5. — H. _ volumes, for private circulation, have 

2 Since this Memoir was printed, been noticed in the Quarterly Review 

the Annals of the House of Percy, from for April, 1889. — H. ^ 
the Conquest to the Opening of the 



COURT OF VICE-ADMIRALTY OVER 
^ AMERICA. 










L'4 



COURT OF VICE-ADMIRALTY OVER 
AMERICA.^ 



T T /"HILE looking into the details of the civil and mili- 
* ^ tary career of Lord Percy, who commanded the 
British reinforcements sent from Boston to Lexington April 
19, 1775, some years ago, I found that his father, the Earl, 
afterward Duke, of Northumberland, had in 1765, and sev- 
eral years after, the official title, "Vice-Admiral over all 
America." No American and no English history that I 
had then or have since read, mentions any such officer.^ I 
could not help turning for a while from my principal design 
and looking up the origin of this official station. Proceed- 
ing from one thing to another, I came at length upon the 
official announcement in the London gazettes of 2 2d De- 
cember, 1764, that His Majesty had been pleased to ap- 
point the Right Hono'-able Hugh, Earl of Northumberland, 
"Vice-Admiral over all America;" to which was added, 
" This appointment being made pursuant to a late act of 
Parliament." 

1 Reprinted, by permission, from ^ jhe author refers to general his- 

the Proceedings of the Massachu- tories. The eslaliHshment of the Court 

setts Historical Society, December, is mentioned by Washburn in his Judi- 

1879. — H. cial History of Massachusetts (175).— H. 



272 Court of Vice- Admiralty over Ajnerica. 

This was " An act for the granting certain duties in the 
British Colonies and Plantations in America," etc., and 
providing, among other things, for the punishment of 
breaches of the revenue laws. By this act the Admiralty 
Courts in the several Colonies were authorized to take cog- 
nizance of breaches of the revenue laws. It provided also 
for the establishment of a new Vice-Admiralty Court over 
all America, having jurisdiction of breaches of the reve- 
nue laws wherever the offence might occur in the British 
Colonies. 

The Colonies at once objected to this extended jurisdic- 
tion of the Admiralty Court, and also to the proposed estab- 
lishment of a Court of Vice-Admiralty. But I find no men- 
tion, in the discussions of this subject at that time, or later, 
or in contemporary histories, of the organization of this new 
Admiralty Court. It was therefore a surprise to me to find, 
in the London gazettes of 1764, the appointment, at various 
times, of a full board of officers of this great Court of Vice- 
Admiralty over all America, and a still greater surprise 
when I came upon a proclamation announcing the opening 
of this Court in Halifax, Nova Scotia, in October, 1764. 

The following persons were appointed, at various dates 
between the passage of the act and the end of the year 
1764, to constitute this Court: Vice-Admiral, the Earl of 
Northumberland; Judge, the Right Worshipful William 
Spry, LL. D. ; Registrar, the Hon. Spencer Percival ; 
Marshal, Charles Howard, Gent. It is manifest that none 
of these officers expected to execute these offices in person : 
that was to be done by deputy. 

Judge Spry, whose wife was niece of the Earl of 



Court of Vice- Admiralty over America. 273 

Chatham, arrived in Halifax, with his family, on the 25th 
of September, and on the 9th day of October following, 
opened the Court of Vice-Admiralty, and on the i6th of 
October the Court issued the proclamation printed below. 
Whether this Court was opened for business in any other 
Province, as designed, I am not yet informed.^ The pas- 
sage of the Stamp Act the next year, and the riots it oc- 
casioned in America, together with the violence offered to 
the local Admiralty Courts, very likely prevented further 
extension of this new Court. 

In 1767 Judge Spry was appointed Governor of Bar- 
bados. He removed there, and died in office in 1772. 
It is singular that jthe elaborate histories of Nova Scotia 
contain no account of this Vice-Admiralty Court over all 
America. 

The proclamation mentioned above is as follows : — 

Whereas, by an Act of Parliament, made and passed in the 
fourth year of His Majesty's Reign, entitled, "An Act for the grant- 
ing certain Duties in the British Colonies and Plantations in 
America," etc., it is thereby, among other Things, Enacted and 
Declared, That from and after the twenty-ninth Day of September, 
A. D. 1764, all the Forfeitures and Penalties inflicted by that or any 
other Act of Parliament, relating to the Trade and Revenues of the 
said British Colonies, or Plantations in America, which shall be in- 
curred there, shall and may be prosecuted, sued for, and recovered 
in any Court of Record, or in any Court of Admiralty, in the said 
Colonies or Plantations where such Offence shall be committed, or 

1 Mr. Washburn also states that there as Supreme Juds^e of Vice-Admi- 

the year followinaj the proclamation ralty." Undoubtedly'the cause of his 

given below, Judge Spry "made ar- not removing was the one suggested 

rangements for removing from Halifax by Mr. Tuttle ; namely, the political 

to Boston, to enter upon his duties disturbances in Boston. — H. 

35 



274 Cottrt of Vice- Admiralty over America. 

in any Court of Vice-Admiralty which may, or shall be, appointed 
over all America (which Court of Admiralty or Vice-Admiralty 
are hereby respectively authorized and required to proceed, hear, 
and determine the same), at the Election of the Informer or 
Prosecutor ; 

And whereas His Majesty, by Letters Patent, under the Great 
Seal of His High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain and Ireland, 
etc., dated at London, the fifteenth Day of June, a. d, 1764, has 
been pleased to appoint the Right Worshipful William Spry, 
Doctor of Laws, to be Judge of His Majesty's Court of Vice- 
Admiralty over all America, with Power to proceed, hear, and 
determine all Causes, civil and maritime, arising in any of the 
Provinces of America, or the maritime Parts thereof, and thereto 
adjacent, at the Election of the Informer or Prosecutor ; 

Public Notice is Hereby Given, That the Right Worshipful 
William Spry, Doctor of Laws, the Judge of His Majesty's said 
Court of Vice-Admiralty over all America, hath opened his said 
Court on the ninth Day of October, Instant, at Halifax, in the 
Province of Nova Scotia ; hath thought fit to fix the first and 
third Wednesdays of every Month as Term Days for the sitting of 
said Court at Halifax, aforesaid, when and where all Causes, civil 
and maritime, arising in any Province of America, or the maritime 
Parts thereof or thereto adjacent, may be prosecuted. 

Of which all Parties concerned therein are hereby desired to 

take Notice. 

By Order of the Court. 

James Brehton, Dep. Registrar. 
Halifax, i6th October, 1764. 



EDWARD RANDOLPH. 



?S€p3^" 




EDWARD RANDOLPH; 



pDWARD RANDOLPH holds so conspicuous and so 
■"^-^ important a place in our colonial history, that any- 
thing concerning him is worthy of consideration, especially 
if new. It is surprising, in view of the extent of our his- 
torical inquiries, that the arch-enemy of Puritanism in all 
its aspects, the prime mover and the actual abettor of the 
overthrow of the first political and ecclesiastical establish 
ments of New England, should have excited so little in- 
terest and be so little known. Measured simply by the 
results of his own undertakings, Edward Randolph is justly 
entitled to rank among the most remarkable men of his 
time. In that dramatic period of our history which em- 
braces the closing scenes of the life of the first charter, he 
is the central figure and the chief actor, — not inaptly 
called the "destroying angel." His public acts are memo- 
rable, and they form the chief interest in the history of 
that time. 

* Reprinted, by permission, from the Proceedings of the Massachusetts His- 
torical Society for February, 1874. — H. 



278 Edward Randolph. 

His career in New England may be characterized as me- 
teoric in many respects; it certainly is without parallel in 
our history. He came suddenly into public view from be- 
yond the Atlantic, the unwelcome bearer of a royal message 
having a menacing aspect, at a time when the Colonies 
were in a death-struggle with the Indian enemy. For a 
period of thirteen years he was regarded by our fathers as 
the most baleful and malignant luminary that ever appeared 
in the political skies of New England. His name was a 
synonym for something dreadful, and his fame — an ill one 
it was — extended to all the Colonies. On the records of 
that age no name is branded by writers with so many, so 
varied, and so strongly denunciative epithets as that of 
Edward Randolph. It is but just to his memory to say 
that his excessive zeal for the interests of the Crown and 
for the Church of England, his undaunted courage and 
uncompromising spirit, were the chief causes of his great 
unpopularity. 

Whence he came or whither he went has hardly been 
thought worthy of inquiry by our antiquaries in a period 
of two centuries. His history, so far as known, begins and 
ends with his career in New England. Dr. Palfrey, who 
looked after many neglected worthies of our colonial times, 
as his History attests, made special search in the archives 
of England for some light on the early career of Randolph, 
but without success. 

While collecting materials for my projected "Life of 
Captain John Mason," patentee of New Hampshire, I no- 
ticed in letters of Robert Mason, grandson of Captain Ma- 
son, and also in letters of Edward Randolph, expressions 



Edward Randolph. 2'jc) 

indicating some degree of relationship between them. Fol- 
lowing up this hint, I came to the origin and parentage of 
Randolph himself, — singularly enough in the first Christian 
city and spiritual metropolis of England. He was the son 
of Edmund Randolph, Doctor of Physic, of the city of 
Canterbury. His mother was a daughter of Gyles Master, 
of the same city. Both parents were of gentle lineage, and 
of high character and standing. Edward Randolph mar- 
ried Jane Gibbon, of West Cliff, in the county of Kent. 
Her brother, Richard Gibbon, Doctor of Physic, married 
Anne Tufton, sister of Robert Mason. It is proper to ob- 
serve that Robert Tufton assumed the surname Mason to 
inherit his grandfather Mason's estate in New England. 

On the death of his wife, in 1679, Randolph again came 
to New England, bringing his family, designing, it would 
seem, to remain here permanently. He had been appointed 
by the Commissioners of Customs, collector of customs in 
New England. Having other public employments, he ap- 
pointed his brother Gyles deputy in his place. Another 
brother, Bernard Randolph, also his deputy, was an author 
of considerable note in his day. 

In 1 69 1, Edward Randolph was appointed surveyor- 
general of customs in all the English Provinces in North 
America. This fact shows that he was recognized as an 
able and faithful officer by the English government.^ 

^ Mr. Tuttle intended to write the no progress in the work up to the time 
life of Edward Randolph, but had made of his death. — H. 



2So Edward Randolph. 



EDWARD RANDOLPH'S WILL. 

In the name of God, amen. This fifteenth day of June, in the 
yeare of our Lord one Thousand seaven hundred and two, I, Edward 
Randolph, Esq'., Surveyour-Gen" of Her Ma— Customes in all her 
Plantations and Colonies in America, sound of body and memory, 
thanks be given to Allmighty God for all his mercies, yet neverthe- 
less taking into my serious consideration the frailty of human life, 
and being about to make my seaventeenth sea-voyage to America, 
doe make this my last Will and Testament in manner and forme fol- 
lowing. After having comended my soul, body, and estate to the 
mercies and protection of Allmighty God, hoping for salvation at 
my dissolution through the merits of my blessed Lord and Saviour 
Jesus Christ, I dispose of my temporall estate wherewith it hath 
pleased God to bless me, as followeth ; viz. I doe hereby give and 
bequeath unto my youngest daughter, Sarah Randolph (whoe is 
otherwise unprovided for), all such summe and summes of money 
as are or shall be due to me of my sallary as Surveyor-General, pay- 
able from the Commissioners of Her Ma— Customes for the time 
being, and which I have not allready given to my daughter Wil- 
liams or to my daughter Deborah Randolph, which said salary is 
usually received and paid for me by my Worthy friend Richard 
Savage, Esq'. And in case it should please God that my said 
daughters Williams and Deborah, or either of them, shall happen 
to dye in the life-time of my said daughter Sarah, then I doe will 
and bequeath such parte and parts of my said sallary as I have or- 
dred to be paid to them, or either of them, to be thenceforth paid to 
my said daughter Sarah ; and I doe also give and bequeath unto my 
said daughter Sarah all my plate which I leave in the hands of my 
loving friend Mr. Edward Jones of the Savoy, and all such summe 
and summes of money as is or shall be recovered for my use of Gil- 
bert Nelson, late Chiefe Justice of the Island of Burmuda, whether the 
same be in the hands of Mr. Samuell Spofforth or any other person 



Edward Randolph. 281 

whomsoever, and all such summes of money as shall be recovered for 
my use of George Plater, Esq^, living in Potuxent, in the province of 
Maryland, and which the said Plater hath or may receive for my 
use of Samuell Willson or any other person, and all and singular 
debts due and payable, or which shall be hereafter due or payable 
to me. But in case my said daughter Sarah shall happen to depart 
this life before she attaine the age of eighteen years, and be married 
(which I enjoine and require her not to doe without the consent and 
approbation of Mrs. Mary Fog, and Nathaniell Bladen of Lincoln's 
Inn, Esq'., thereunto in writing first had and obtained), then I will 
that my daughter Elisabeth Pirn, and (if she be dead) her son Mr. 
Charles Pim, or her and his children, shall have all that is herein 
bequeathed to my said daughter Sarah. But if neither my said 
daughter Pim, nor her said son Charles, nor any child or children 
of hers or his shall be living, then I will that whatsoever 1 have 
herein bequeathed to my said daughter Sarah shall go to my daugh- 
ters Williams and Deborah and their children equally, and I doe 
hereby constitute and appoint my said daughter Sarah sole execu- 
trix of this my last will and Testament, by these presents revoking 
and annulling all former wills by me made heretofore and declared 
by word or writing, and this only to be taken for my last will and 
Testament. 

In witness whereof I have hereby declared and published this 
to be my last will and Testament, the day and yeare above written, 
in the presence of Humphrey Walcot, Gent., Mrs. Catherine Bladen, 

and Nathaniel Bladen. -c tj . c r- 

Ed. Randolph, S.-G. 

Witness, Humphrey Walcott, 
Catharine Bladen, 
Nathaniel Bladen. 

7 Dec. 1703. Administration to Sarah, wife of John Howard, 
Guardian assigned to Sarah Randolph, a minor, dau' and Execu- 
trix named in the Will of Edward Randolph, late of Acquamat in 
Virginia, deceased. 

(234 Degg.) 

36 



282 Edward Randolph. 



NOTES BY THE EDITOR. 



nPHE Randolph family claims to be of Norman origin. 
■^ Persons bearing this name figure conspicuously in 
English and in Scottish history. Sir Thomas Randolph is 
mentioned in Domesday Book as ordered to do duty against 
the King of France. In 1298 Sir John Randolph, Knt, 
was a commissioner to summon knights, and attended the 
coronation of Edward II. in 1307. In 1329 Sir Thomas 
Randolph, Earl of Murray, was with common consent made 
governor of Scotland, and died in 1331, universally la- 
mented.^ John Randolph, of Hampshire, connected with 
the Exchequer in 1385, was an eminent judge. Sir Thomas 
Randolph, son of Avery of Badlesmere, co. Kent, and 
cousin of Thomas Randolph the poet, was born in that 
parish in 1523. He rendered important public services 
in the reign of Elizabeth, having been employed by that 
sovereign in no less than eighteen different embassies. 
He died in 1590. One of his wives was a cousin of Sir 
Francis Walsingham. An Avery Randolph was principal 
of Pembroke College, Oxford, in 1590. On the roll of 
bishops of the Church in England appears the name of 
Dr. John Randolph, born in 1749, son of Dr. Thomas 

^ Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 498. 



Notes by the Editor. 283 

(1701-1783), archdeacon of Oxford. He became the bishop 
of Oxford in 1799, of Bangor in 1806, of London in 1809, 
and died in 181 3. 

Edward Randolph — the subject of these notes — was a 
grandson of Bernard Randolph, who married Jane, daughter 
of William Boddenham, of Biddenden, Hundred of Barkl3% 
CO. Kent, and through this marriage became possessed 
of the estate of Lessenden in that place. Bernard died 
in 1628. This estate continued in the family until 1808, 
when it was sold by the then holder, the Rev. Herbert 
Randolph. 

Bernard and Jane Randolph had several children, among 
whom were John, Herbert, and Edmund. It is a fam- 
ily tradition that John emigrated to Virginia. Herbert 
married Elizabeth, daughter of Gyles Master, of the city 
of Canterbury, and died in 1644. He had a son Her- 
bert, who married Elizabeth Best, of Canterbury, and died 
in 1685. 

The last-named Herbert had a son Herbert, who was a 
barrister, and held the ofifice of recorder of Canterbury, 
and died possessed of Lessenden in 1726. He was twice 
married: (i) to Mary, daughter of Dr. John Castillion, dean 
of Rochester, of the Italian family of Castiglione; and (2) 
to Grace, daughter of John Blome, of Sevenoaks, Kent. 
He left two children by his first wife : Herbert, and Mary, 
who married Christopher Packe, M.D. By his second wife 
he had eight children : Thomas, D.D., archdeacon of 
Oxford, and, president of Corpus Christi College; George, 
M.D., of Bristol ; Francis, D.D., principal of Alban Hall, 
Oxford ; Charles, bred to the law ; and four daughters. 



284 Edward Randolph. 

Out of this branch of the family sprang Bishop Randolph, 
above mentioned. 

Herbert, son of Herbert and Mary (Castillion) Randolph, 
was of All Souls' College, Oxford, and rector of Deal, 
Kent, and died in 1755. He married (i) Catharine Wake, 
daughter of Dr. Edward Wake; and (2) Mary, daughter 
of Nathaniel Denew. By his first wife he had a son Her- 
bert, rector of Croxton, Lincolnshire, and prebendary of 
Salisbury, who married Elizabeth Adcock, of Ashford, 
Kent, and died in 1803. The last-named Herbert, by his 
wife Elizabeth, had a son Herbert, fellow of Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford, rector of Lctcombe Basset, Berks, and 
vicar of Chute, Wilts. He died in 1828, having married 
Jane, daughter of Benjamin Wilson, of Leeds, and sis- 
ter of Gen. Sir Robert Wilson, K. M. T.' He had ten 
children, of whom two survive ; namely, Francis and 
Edmund. The latter married Georgiana H. Sherlock, 
daughter of Col. Francis Sherlock, K. H.,'-^ and has had 
issue five sons and one daughter, of whom one son, Her- 
bert, is dead. 

Edmund Randolph (baptized in the parish of Biddenden, 
Kent, in 1600), fifth son of Bernard, was a doctor of physic 
both of Oxford and Padua. He married at Canterbury, 
about the year 1628, Deborah, daughter of Gyles Master, 
of that city, and there followed his profession. He died in 
1649, and was buried in St. George's church. The inscrip- 
tion on his monument, formerly existing in that church, 
was as follows : — 

1 Knight of the order of Maria ' Knight of the Guelphic order of 

Tlieresa. Hanover, instituted by George IV. 



Notes by the Editor. 285 

Edmundus Randolph ex antiqua Familia ortus 
MEDICIN.E Doctor exercitatissimus 

AlIORUM l^ROTELANDO VITAM DECURTAVIT SUAM. 

NuMEROSA AUCTUS PROLE 

FiLIIS DECEM, MOLLIORISQUE SEXUS QUINQUE 

MUNDUM SIMUL AC DOMUM LOCUPLETAVIT SUAM 

HiSCE LIBENS SOCIAM DEDIT OPERAM DEBORAH 

FyEMINA, SI QUiE ALIA, SPECTATISSIMA 

D!li ^GiDii Master 
NuPER de civitate Cantuari^ armigeri 

FiLIA QUARTA 

Uxor semper fida, semper impense dilecta. 



, Ultima ^ Lethi 

Vis rapuit rapietque gentes. 



FrUAMUR PRiESENTI 

Anno D2i MDCLXXXI.2 



Edmund and Deborah (Master) Randolph had fifteen 
children. The three oldest were baptized at Biddenden, 
Kent, the five youngest at St. George's, Canterbury ; 
namely, Mary, in 1639; Gyles, in 1640; Jane, in 1641 ; 
another daughter, in 1642; and Bernard, in 1645. Their 
fourth son, Edward, so intimately connected with the affairs 
of New England from 1676 to 1689, was baptized in the 
parish of St. Margaret, Canterbury, on the 9th of July, 1632. 

Edward Randolph was married three times. His first 
wife was Jane, born in 1640, daughter of Thomas Gibbon, 

^ Hor. Odes, ii. 13. Ultima is sub- erected until 168 r. The delay may 

stituted for hnprovisa. have been due to the political troubles 

2 Although Dr. Edmund Randolph of the intervening years, 
died in 1649, his monument was not 



286 Edward Randolph. 

of West Cliffe, Kent, by his wife Dorothy Best. Of the 
issue of this marriage we have the names certainly of 
three daughters, — Jane, Deborah, baptized July 6, 1661, 
and Elizabeth, born in 1664. There was a fourth daugh- 
ter by the first or by the second marriage ; namely, Mary, 
who is mentioned by Randolph in his letter of July 18, 
1684, to Samuel Shrimpton.^ 

RANDOLPH 

Bernard = Tane Boddenham 
I 



Herbert = Elizabeth Master John, Edmund = Deborah Master 

I emigrated to I 

j America | 



Herbert — Elizabeth Best 



I d. 1679 

Herbert = (i) Mary Castillion 
I (2) Grace Blome 

Herberts (i) Catherine Wake 
I (2) Mary Denew 



(i) Jane Gibbon = Edward = (3) Sarah (Backhouse) 



(2) Grace 

Grenville, 

d. 1682 



Platt, d. before 1702. 



Sarah, not 18 in 1702 



Jane = Williams 

living in 17 12 



I 

Elizabeth = Pym 

living in 1712 I 

I Mary, 

Charles d. before 

1702. 
Deborah = Thomas Smith, M.D. 
Herbert = Elizabeth Adcock bap. July 6, I 
I 1661 ; m. I 

i after 1 702; j 

Herbert = Jane Wilson living in | 

I '712 Deborah = Otwat, 

j T of the army. 

Herbert = (i) Martha Pryor Edmund = Georgiana H. Sherlock 

(2) Rosabella Stanhope | 

Wilson, dau. of Sir 5 sons and i daughter. 

Robert Wilson 

^ Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, Fourth Se- on my daughter[s] Betty and Mary, 
ries, viii. 543. " Pray haue a strict eye Their sister Jane hath shewn them a 



Notes by the Editor. 



287 



Jane (Best) Gibbon was of the same family as the historian 
Edward Gibbon. Her brother Matthew had a son Edward,^ 
and the latter also a son Edward, father of the historian. 
Another brother of Jane Gibbon, namely, Richard, married 
Anne Tufton, sister of Robert, who, pursuant to the will of 
his grandfather, Capt: John Mason, assumed the name of 
Robert Mason. Jane (Gibbon) Randolph died in 1679. The 
place of her death is not known. 

GIBBON 
Dorothy Best = Thomas Gibbon = Alice Taylor 



d. 1634 



b. 1590, m. Alice 
in Oct. 1635 



Richard =xAnne Tufton 
b. 1624 sister of 

d. 1652 Robt. Mason 



d. May 31, 1648. 



Edward = Martha Roberts 
b. 1637 I d. 1677 



Jane = Edward Randolph 
b. 1640. 



Jane: 
b. 1675 
m. 1704 



John Brydges 
b. I 680-1 



Edward = Jemima Egerton 

Sir Saml Egerton Brydges, Bart, 
the author. 



Matthew = Hesther — 
bap. 1642 I 

Edward = Cath. Acton 
b. 1666 I 



Edward = Judith Porter 
b. 1707 I 
m. 1736 I 

Edward, the historian, 
b. Ap. 27, 1737. 



The Bests were also a Kentish family, with which the 
Randolphs have been several times allied. Edward's first 



very bad example, and is a lost child to 
me. God give her grace to repent." 

It is ro be inferred that Jane and 
Deborah were at this time in England. 
Elizabeth and Mary were in Boston, and 
probably living in the family, or under 
the care, of Mr. Shrimpton. 

^ For a very full genealogical his- 



tory of the Gibbon family, see Sir Eger- 
ton Brydges's essay on that subject in 
the Gentleman's Magazine, 1797, Ixvii. 
915-919, 1104-1107. The writer cor- 
rects several errors into which the 
historian Gibbon fell in his autobio- 
graphical account of his family. 



ERRATA. 

Page 286, first line, for Dorothy Best read Alice Taylor. 

287, first line, for Jane (Best) Gibbon read Jane (Taylor) Gibbon. 

288, line seven, dele Jane Gibbon = Edward Randolph. 
311, third line, for Elliott's read Eliot's. 



288 Edtvard Randolph. 

cousin, Herbert, married one of them, namely, Elizabeth. 
The following table will show the relationship between 
Elizabeth and Dorothy Best : — 

Richard Best = Dorothy Barrow 
Dorothy Knatchbull = John Best — Ann Rooke 



Dorothy Best = Thos. Gibbon John Best = Elizabeth Clark 



I I 

Jane Gibbon = Edward Randolph Elizabeth Best = Herbert Randolph 

Ursula Best, sister of John Best, sr., was grandmother 
of Sir George Rooke, vice-admiral of England, the hero 
of Gibraltar. She married Thomas Finch, and their 
daughter Jane married Sir W. Rooke, Knt., father of Sir 
George. 

The second wife of Edward Randolph was Grace Gren- 
ville, of the parish of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, London. 
The marriage occurred in that parish, Aug. i8, i6Si. She 
died in Boston, New England, late in November, or early 
in December, 1682.^ It is to her undoubtedly that Ran- 
dolph refers in his letter of May 13, 1684, to Sir Robert 
Southwell : " I lost a wife in New England." And in his 
letter to the same, of Aug. i, 1684, he says, "The troubles 
of 1 68 1 [in New England] broke my wife's heart." ^ 

Edward Randolph's tliird wife — to whom he was mar- 
ried in London, in 16S4 — was Sarah Piatt, the widow of 

1 New England Hist, and Gene. Re- and family. 25 ; they sit in Mr. Joyliffe's 

gister, xxxvii. 155-159, and note. She pew, and Mrs. Randolph is observed to 

"is mentioned by Judjie Sewall in his make a curtsey at Mr. Willard's naming 

Diary (Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, vi.. Fifth Jesus, even in prayer-time." 
Series. 17 *): "Dec 17; Foye arrives, in -Proceedings Mass. Hist. Soc, 

whom Mr. Randolph, and his new wife xviii. 256, 257. 



Notes by the Editor. 289 

Peter Piatt. Her maiden name is supposed to have been 
Backhouse, for the following license from the vicar-gencral 
of the Archbishop of Canterbury is preserved: " 1671-2, 
Jany. 31. Peter Piatt of Swallowfield, Berks, Gent., Bache- 
lor, aged about 30, and Sarah Backhouse of Aston, near 
Stafford, co. Stafford, Spinster, aged about 22, at her own 
disposal, to marry at St. Sepulchre's, London." The regis- 
ter of St. Sepulchre's shows that the said parties were mar- 
ried in that church Feb. i, 167 1-2. The burial of Peter 
Piatt is recorded in the register of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, 
as of Nov. 3, 1 68 1. The license for the marriage of Ed- 
ward Randolph and Mrs. Sarah Piatt is as follows: " 1684, 
Dec. 22. Edward Randolph of St. Margaret's, Westminster, 
Esq*", widower, and Sarah Piatt of St. Martin-in-the-Fields, 
widow, to marry at St. Martin-in-the-F'ields ; " and in the 
register of the last-named parish occurs this entry: " 1684, 
Dec. 24. Edward Randolph of St. Margaret's, Westminster, 
and Sarah Piatt of this parish, by license from the Arch- 
bishop." The Backhouses were also of Swallowfield, Berks ; 
and Sarah may have been a daughter of Sir John Back- 
house, knight of the bath, who died in 1649. She was re- 
lated to the wife of Edward Hyde, the Earl of Clarendon. 
The grandfather of Mary Castillion, who, as stated above, 
married Herbert Randolph, was Douglas Castillion ; and 
two of his sisters married Hydes, — one being Sir Lawrence, 
— thus becoming aunts to Edward Hyde, for a brother of 
their husbands was his father.^ 

1 The chief portion of the genea- the late Charles W. Tuttle, Ph.D., by 

lo<3;ical statements respecting the Ran- Edmund Randolph, Esq., of the Isle of 

dolphs in these notes has been gathered Wight, 
by the editor from letters addressed to 

37 



290 Edward Randolph. 

Randolph's third wife was the mother of Sarah, *' my 
youngest daughter," mentioned in his Will. In his letter 
to Sir Robert Southwell, under date of Aug. 19, 1683,^ he 
writes : " I have now 4 daughters living." These were Jane, 
Deborah, Elizabeth, and Mary. As will be seen, he mentions 
four children in his Will ; namely, Deborah, Mrs. Williams, 
Elizabeth Pim, and Sarah, and his grandson Charles Pim. 
His daughter Jane married a Williams, and was the " daugh- 
ter Williams " named in the Will. Deborah married, sub- 
sequently to 1702, Thomas Smith of Maidstone, M.D.^ 
Elizabeth married a Pim (or Pym). Mary, not mentioned 
in the Will, had probably deceased before 1702. Sarah was 
born after 1684, as she had not reached the age of eighteen 
at the date of the Will. It is to be inferred that he had 
other children who did not survive him. He left no son. 

Two brothers of Edward Randolph came to New Eng- 
land and held office as his deputies ; namely, Gyles and 
Bernard, both born in the city of Canterbury, the first 
named in 1640, the second in 1645. Bernard was a deputy 
collector of customs in 1683, and again in 1684, as appears 
by contemporary letters. He was suspected by Dr. In- 
crease Mather of being concerned, with his brother Edward, 
in the authorship or transmission of the famous " forged 
letter" of Dec. 3, 1683, signed "I. M.," the authorship of 
which Dr. Mather denied.^ In a letter from Edward Cran- 
field, royal governor of the Province of New Hampshire, to 
Mr. Secretary Jenkins, under date of June 19, 1683, it is 
stated that " Mr. [Edward] Randolph's Bro^ who was left 

1 Proceedings, Mass. Hist. Soc, ^ Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, Fourth 
xviii. 254, 255. Series, viii. loo-iio, 702-704; Pal- 

2 Gentleman's Magazine, Ixvii. 1107. frey, iii. 556. 



Notes by the Editor. 291 

here his Deputy, not being able to serue his Maj"^ (as things 
are now managed here, being dayly affronted and abused, 
as I haue been an Eye Witness of), goes to England to 
make his complaints to your Hon"" and the Lords of the 
Treasury." ^ And in a letter of the same date to the Lords 
of the Committee of Trade and Foreign Plantations, Cran- 
field also says : " The bearer hereof, M"" Bernard Randolph, 
Deputy Collect', comes home with fresh complaints against 
the Boston Governm' of things I have been an eye Witness 
of. ... I have sent another exemplification of Goue's tryall 
by M"" Randolph's Bro": who has been so ill treated in the 
Execution of his place that he is compelled to quit the 
King's seruice."^ ,His place was supplied by his brother 
Gyles,^ who was commissioned deputy-collector for New 
England, Nov. 26, 1683. 

Edward Randolph, writing from London under date of 
July 18, 1684, to Samuel Shrimpton, of Boston, says : " I 
send my brother ouer to succeed my brother Gyls."* From 
this it would appear that Bernard Randolph came again to 
New England and served as deputy collector. He was 
the author of at least two works ; namely, The Present 
State of the Morea, Oxford, 1686, London, 1689, 4to ; 
and The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago, 
Oxford, 1687, 4to. 

^ Jenness's Transcripts, 151. hands ; his head broke therewith. Gat- 

2 Under date of June 13, 1683, Ber- chell was shrewdly [severely?] beaten, 

nard wrote to his brother Edward as ... I have been very uneasy, but with 

follows : " I have received many af- my life and fortune will ever serve His 

fronts since my being in the office you Majesty." (Colonial Papers, quoted in 

left me, and cannot have any justice. Palfrey, iii. 375.) 
I ordered Gatchell to go aboard a sloop ^ Jenness's Transcripts, 157. 

at Marblehead to search her. . . . The * Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, Fourth 

constable had his staff taken out of his Series, viii. 525. 



292 Edward Randolph. 

Of Gyles Randolph we learn nothing further, except that 
he married in America and had a son ; but the son's history 
is not known.-^ It is supposed that Gyles died in Boston, 
or elsewhere in New England, late in the Spring of 1684. 
His death is reported by Governor Cranfield in a letter 
to the Lords of the Committee of Trade, dated May 14, 
1684;^ but in his letters written prior to May of that year 
he makes no mention of this event. 

It has already been stated that it is a tradition in the 
English branch of the Randolph family that John, a son 
of Bernard and uncle of Edward, emigrated to Virginia. 
There were Randolphs in that Colony at an early period 
besides those descended from William Randolph, who until 
recently has been supposed to be the earliest immigrant 
of that name.^ One of the descendants of this William, 
in the present generation, has united himself in marriage 

^ Letter from Edmund Randolph, married one of his sisters, fled to Amer- 

Esq., of the Isle of Wight, to the editor, ica." In the Gentleman's Magazine for 

2 Jenness's Transcripts, 155-157. the }'ear 1797, Sir Egerton Brydges also 

3 Sir Egerton Brydges, Bart., in his states that "tradition relates that Mr. 
poetical work entitled The Lake of Ge- Randolph, having for some years rented 
neva, etc., published in Geneva, Svvitzer- the mansion and estate at WestclifTe, till 
land, in 1832, devotes much space to by imprudence he was involved in con- 
the liistory of the Gibbon family, with siderable arrears of rent, fled to Amer- 
which he was allied. He had carefully ica, where he founded a family who have 
studied the English parish registers and made figure in the Congress there." 
other sources of information for that Edward Randolph, who is the "Mr. 
purpose. In a note he says : " A sister Randolph" here referred to, did not 
of Edward and Matthew married a Ran- "flee to America," nor, it is hardly 
dolph, and thence sprang the Randolphs necessary to say, was he the founder of 
and Jeffersons of Virginia." Of course a family here. There is a strong proba- 
this is an error. Edward Randolph was bility. however, that the persistent tradi- 
not the ancestor of any Virginians, so tion in the Randolph family of England 
far as is known. In another note he that one or more of the Randolphs of 
says : " I suppose the manor of West- Kent settled in Virginia, rests upon a 
clifFe descended by i,'rt;7/<?//(vV/(/ among all solid foundation. See New England 
the sons ; iox Matthew \\7i(S. a share in Hist, and Gene. Register, xxix. 233- 
it. I have a letter of his regarding the 237. 

distress for rent, when Randolph, wlio 



Notes by the Editor. 293 

with the English Randolphs. The Rev. William Cater 
Randolph, eldest son of the late Rev. Henry J. Randolph 
and his wife Frances, eldest daughter of Beckford Cater, 
Esq., married, in 1847, Grace, daughter of the Rev. Herbert 
Randolph, mentioned above.^ 

Another person, who I am inclined to believe was a rela- 
tive of Edward Randolph, resided for a short time in Boston. 
This was Giles^ Master, a lawyer by profession. As has 
already appeared, Edward Randolph's mother was a daughter 
of Gyles Master, of Canterbury. The latter had a son Giles, 
or Gyles, and he would be likely to follow his father's profes- 
sion, — the law. Of the attorneys practising in the courts 
of Massachusetts at ,this period, besides Master, we have the 
names of Benjamin Bullivant, Christopher Webb, George 
Farewell, Anthony Checkley, James Graham, Hayman, and 
King. Thomas Newton, who was employed as an attorney 
in the early stages of the witchcraft trials, and who subse- 
quently held various important offices in New Hampshire 
and in Massachusetts, came a little later than the others 
above named. He was an able and much respected man, 
and a well-educated lawyer. As to the others, we know very 
little concerping their professional qualifications. 

^ The descj&nt of the Rev. William This William was born in Warwickshire, 

Cater Randol)^h is as follows : Rob- emigrated to Virginia, and died there, 

erti Randolplf of Hammes, Suffolk, m. William* and Mary had Isham5(b. 1687, 

Rose Rober/s of Hawkhurst, Kent; d. 1742), m. Jane Rogers, and their son 

their son Wfilliam 2 (b. 1572, d. 1660), William^ (d. 1791) m. Elizabeth Little, 

by his first/'.vife, Elizabeth Smyth, was whose son Henry Jones '^ (b. 1777) m. 

father of Thomas, the poet (b. 1605, Frances Cater, and had William Cater, 

d. 1634), a|id by his second wife, Doro- named in the text. 

thy Lane,' had Richard^ (b. 1621, d. - Rewrote his Christian name as it 

1671), whi m. Elizabeth Ryland. Rich- is given in the text: but in the records 

ard and Elizabeth had William* (b. of the Superior Court of the county of 

1650, d. 1711), who m. Mary Isham. Suffolk, the name is invariably (7y/^j. 



296 Edward Randolph. 

Amsterdam, accidentally came into my hands a letter from Boston, 
which I had time to copy.^ 

Randolph sent a copy of the letter to Judge Dudley of 
Massachusetts, who showed the same to Mather and subse- 
quently furnished him with a copy. The following is the 
copy of the letter^ furnished to Dr. Mather: — 



LETTER TO REV. THOMAS GOUGE. 
To my worthy ffreind Mr. G: in Amsterdam By way of Barbados. 

Boston in New England, 

the 3"? of X'" 16S3. 

S'^, — I am obliged to you for your favour in writing me by o' 
Agents return, which letter I have received, and observe what you 
write concerning affairs in England, and how o"" friends are there 
wrongfully abused. I am glad God hath preserved o' good friend 
Mr. Fergusson, and sent him over to y"" side the water, where 
their malice cannot reach him. Wee have (before y'" came to 
hand) heard the great sufferings of several of the servants of the 
Lord. What you say as to their intentment to root out God's word 
from amongst us, I will say with the Lord's Prophet, The Right- 
eous also shall see this and fear, and shall laugh them to scorn. I 
am well assured of y"" happiness of that great freind of God's cause, 
the Lord of Shaftsbury, who you say, dyed in our friend Mr. Kick's 
house. If they could, wee [he.'*] should certainly have bin cut off by 
those Evil doers, for they can now mould the lavve as [they] please, 

^ Palfrey's Hist, of New England, iii. date "9"'of y^ io'\ 1683." It is to be 

558. noticed, however, that Randolph in two 

''■ Mather Papers, Prince Coll., Bos- instances speaks of the letter as dated 
ton Public Library. A copy of this Dec. 3, 1683. The copy of the letter in 
letter was communicated to the New the Register differs but slightly from the 
Eng. Hist, and Gen. Register for Jan- copy used at the trial ; some words be- 
uary, 1885, by G. D. Scull, Esq., of ing left out in the latter, and others sub- 
Oxford, England. That copy bears stituted ; but the meaning is the same. 



Notes by the Editor. 297 

and make it their study more to please men then God. Corrupt 
are they, and are become abominable in their wickedness. There 
is none that doeth good. Jehovah looked down from Heaven upon 
the children of men, to see if there were any that would understand, 
and seek after him. No, all are seeking after vanity, and have not 
God before their eyes. Truly, I must say with you, never was any 
age gone so farr in whoring after their own lusts and pleasures. 
Yea, from the King y' sitteth on the throne to the beggar. An 
unwise man doth not well consider this, and a fool doth not regard 
it. It was a great greife to mee to hear the death of that good 
Lord Russel, and how barbarously the Earle of Essex was mur- 
thred in the Tower. Wee may see with halfe an Eye which way they 
intend to drive poor England. Well, we can onely say with holy 
David, O' God shall come, and shall not keep silence, there shall 
go before him a Consuming fire ; A mighty Tempest shall be stirred 
up round about him, to whom wee will Committ all our Concerns. 

I thank you for the Care you have taken in getting those prints in 
readiness to send me by y*" next shipping. Pray lett mee have the 
following books sent me with them. The new Covenant of Scot- 
land, Caril upon Job, and Mr. Owen's last works, with some of yo' 
new Geneva prints, that I may collect of all to sweeten the milk to the 
Pallats of those good Christians, who, praysed bee God, receive with 
cheerfulness our administration. I am glad the Lord hath raised 
up a defender for his People in Hungary, and I am certain[ly] of 
opinion, the Lord's work will bee done by those heathen, and the 
whore of babylon shall fall. His late signs in the heavens did 
foretell such Works, My prayer shall bee continually for their 
victory, for certain it is his will it shall bee so. As to affairs in 
these parts, which you desire to have an account of; I shall tell 
you. The same week as our Agents arrived, Randolph did also 
arrive with a Summons from the King for our Charter. The next 
day after hee arrived, hapned a sad fire, which burnt down the 
richest part of the Town, which some believe was done by his 
means ; for hee went out of Town, or certainly hee would have 

38 



298 Edward Randolph. 

ended his dayes through some of y*" tumultuous sufferers. Hee 
has made it his business to spread the King's declaration all about 
the Countrey, and perswaded two Colonies to fall off from uniting 
with us. A General Court hath bin called here, which has been 
held fourteen dayes. The Governor and several of the Magistrates, 
not regarding their oath to God and the Countrey, esteeming rather 
to please his Majesty, have voted to surrender up their Charter, butt 
y^ Deputy Governour with other Magistrates, and most of the 
house of Deputyes, who fear God more then man, are for keeping 
o'' priviledges, which is my opinion also, for I cannot understand 
why wee should give away what the Lord God hath afforded [us] ; 
and whatever the Event may bee, wee ought to stand by y™ with o' 
lives and fortunes,^ for so Ahab required Naboth's vineyard. Wee 
have had great encouragement from England, for several Good and 
Worthy men among the Law Doctors have Councelled us to stand 
it out at Law, which most give us hopes wee shall bee able to main- 
tain, though the Charge bee very great. Butt in England Money 
will do much. 

This Randolph hath been a mortal Enemy to our Countrey, and 
most say, if hee had not moved his Ma'"'' it would never have been 
his Concern, for hee was satisfyed with our sending away the Com- 
mission'* which came over some years past. It hath cost these 
people a great deal of Money, and if two or three thousand Pound 
will buy it off, wee have those who will give it. Wee have good 
friends in England who will largely contribute, butt dare not bee 
seen, for fear of troubles. Wee expect great quantity's of o"^ friends 
to come over from England ; God will certainly avenge the blood 
of his Saints, and those who live shall see it, and fear our Great 
Jehovah. Oh, that wee may not bow the knee to Baal, nor worship 
any graven Image. Our God is y'^ Great God, and Jehovah is his 
name. Hee hath strengthned his people in the Wilderness, and 

1 This phrase, "our lives and for- Randolph in his letter (note 2, page 

tunes," very frequently met with during 291) uses the words "my life and for- 

the last hundred years, was not common tune." 1 do not find this expression else- 

in the seventeenth century. Bernard where in the " Mother Papers." — H. 



Notes by the Editor. 299 

made his Power known amongst the heathen. Yett wee have some 
who run a whoring after their own Inventions, and fall off from o^ 
Church. Oh that God would send a Daniel to interpret the visions 
which o' King may dayly see in the Heavens, least it be said no 
more, beware, beware, butt vengance fall upon the nation : I will 
say with John the Divine, Here is Wisedom ; lett him that hath 
understanding count the number of the Beast, for it is the number 
of a man, and his number is six hundred, threescore and six, and 
God will certainly fulfill his sayings. Pray when you see M: 
fferguson, give him my kind salutes. If hee continue his resolution 
of coming over here, hee may bee sure of an hearty welcome ; butt 
r fear hee must bee forced to change his name, for though wee have 
power in our Charter to receive and protect who fly for persecution 
sake, as wee did Gouff and Whaley, yett wee fear that Priviledge will 
bee forced from us. God grant wee may have the Enjoyment of our 
heavenly Charter, which Jesus Christ hath Purchased for us, and 
would also bee demanded, if some dare venture, butt there wee shall 
meet, and the Sheep shall bee known from the Goates ; butt now a 
Jesuit is a Courtier, a servant, and what you will, so as hee bee no 
Enemy of y*" Court, hee may bee any thing. Some report here 
that M' Oates is out of favour for discovering the Popish Plott. 
Had hee but sworn for them, hee would certainly [have] been a 
Bishop, if S'' L. J.^ had pleased. This comes to you by way of 
Barbados, a Jew going thither, and so for your place, has promised 
to deliver it into yo' own hands. Pray give my hearty respects to 
Good Mr. Kick, to whom I will write by a ship that may sayl about 
three weeks hence. Mr. Kick's son 's a hopcfull young man, and 
one, I dare say, that fears the Lord. Randolph returns upon a ship 
which will sayl about three weeks hence. God will certainly follow 
him wherever hee goes, for hee has much prejudiced us. If hee 
should miscarry, it is God's Just Judgment. Pray let mee hear 
from you by all occasions, and lett your prayers bee for us as wee 
continually pray for you, and all the true servants of y'^ Lord. I 

* Leoline Jenkins. 



300 Edward Randolph. 

will conclude in saying, the Lord liveth, and blessed bee my strong 
helper, and praysed bee the God of o' Salvation, Jehovah is his 
name. To him I commit you, and in all sincerity am 

Yours in Christ Jesus, I. M. 

Coppied out October 24, 16S4. 

Thereupon Dr. Mather addressed the following letter to 
Judge Dudley: — 

Worthy Sir, — I returne you my humble thanks for your civil- 
ity, in letting me have a coppy of a letter pretended to be dated 
at Boston, the 3: 10: 1683, & subscribed I: M, which it seemeth 
to some that know me not, to have supposed me to be the Author 
of it, but I assure you it is none of myne. The forger of it begins 
with a lye, in the first line, for he speakes as if Mr. Gouge had 
written to me by our Agents, which he never did, and as if he had 
informed me as if the Earle of Shaftsbury died in Mr. Kick's house, 
when as no man ever writ any such thing to me. He represents 
me as a person well assured of Shaftsbury's happiness, and as es- 
teeming him the great freind of God's cause. They that are 
acquainted with me knowe that I never had an high opinion of that 
Gentleman. This manifests the letter to be a peece of forgery. 
As for that reflection on his maj'^ and what is added concerning 
the Lord Russell & Essex, they are the Expressions of the forger, 
and none of mine. He pretends as if I sent to Amsterdam for the 
New Covenant of Scotland, Carill upon Job, and Mr. Owen's last 
works. Now herein he has so grossly played the fool, soe as to 
discover the letter to be a meer peece of forgery. As for the new 
Covenant of Scotland, I never heard of such a thing, untill I saw it 
in this wicked letter, nor do I to this day vnderstand what is the 
meaning of it. Carill have been in my study this fiveteen years, & 
if I had him not, it is [not .■*] likely that I should send to Amsterdam, 
for Mr. Carill & Doct. Owen's works, which are here sould in Boston. 
I might obtaine them sooner and cheaper from London, then from 



Notes by the Editor. 301 

Holland, and whether such books are to be bought in Amsterdam 
or no, I knowe not. By this then onely he spitts some of his ven- 
nome against some of those excellent men, of whom the world was 
not worthy : but he addeth with some of the Geneva prints, that 
I may collect of all to sweeten the milke to the pallats of those 
good Christians, who receave with cheerfullness our administrations. 
This is extreemly foolish. I hope that no man that is acquainted 
with me, can suppose such ridiculous stufe had dropt from my pen. 
He farther represents me as that I knew by the signes in the 
Heavens, that the heathens should destroye the whore of Babilon. 
In this also he hath acted like a fool, for now all men may know- 
that this letter was never written by me, since my judgment is 
declared in print express contradictory ; soe what is here pretended 
in my books of Commits, page 129 & 130, I endeavor to prove by 
the scripture that Rome shall not be distroyed by Mohemet, but by 
other hands ; and how often have I declared that the ajopearance of 
a blazing star is not to be slighted, that mortalls cannot tell what 
the particuler events are, that shall followe, yet such Phinominas 
are seen, when the forger of lies goes on & tells how Randolph was 
suspected to have had a hand in the last fier in Boston, & that if he 
had not gon out of towne, the tumultuous sufferers would have 
ended his dayes. Now these are things I never heard of before, 
therefore I could not write them. The letter forger saith that Ran- 
dolph has perswaded two Collonies to fall of from vniting with us. 
This is a great vntruth, & some upon reasonable termes con- 
jecture that no man except Randolph could tell such a impudent 
lye, when the whole Coritry knowes the contrary. What he farther 
adds of the Governor & Dep'^ Governor, as concerning the Hon^'*" 
Govern' is a scandelous falsehood, & so discovers the malice of the 
forger, not onely against me, but againist this Collony, nor is it likely 
that I should speake of mens venturing their lives & fortunes,^ that 
being an expression no wayes sutable to my genius. He also shew- 
eth himselfe to be a child of the Divill, by what he writeth concern- 

1 See note 2, page 2()\ . 



302 Edward Randolph. 

ing Doct' Gates, & S' L: J: , of neither of whom did I write any 
thing. He pretends, in the close of his forgery, as if I had sent 
the letter by a Jew by way of Barbados. This doth moore fully 
demonstrate the forgery ; for I knew not that there was any Jew in 
Boston the last winter, nor did I learne that any Jew did go from 
thence to Barbados ; to be sure, I saw none, nor did I ever send a 
letter by any Jew in my life. Belike the Jew's name that carried 
the letter was either Edward, or Bernard Randolph. I shall take 
notice but of one passage more in this letter, which in sume respect 
is moor wicked then all the rest. He brings me in sending keind 
salutes to Mr. Ferguson, & assuring him of hearty welcome to New 
England, if he held his resolution of coming hither. Ferguson is a 
person with whom I have no manner of acquaintance I never sent 
salutations to him by any one, or at any time, nor did I ever heare 
that he had thoughts of coming to New England, vntill this letter- 
forger, who is not to be believed, said it. Whereas he addeth, we 
had power by our Charter to protect those, who flye for Protection 
sake, as we did Goff & VVhaly, this dos suffitiently intimate who 
was the authur of this forgery, viz. that it was Randolph himselfe, 
for it is well knowne, he did once exhibit a complaint against this 
Collony, because in their Law-book it is declared, if men fly thether, 
being persecuted, they shall finde favour, and [the] lying comment 
that Randolph made vpon it, was by virtue of this law of the people 
in New England, in showing kindness to Goff & Whaley. Let all 
rationall men judge whether any one but Randolph was the Authur 
of this Forgery. Besides there is so much said of Randolph in this 
spurious letter, that giveth just cause to suspect him to be the Father 
of it. It is reported that he has a notable art in imitating hands, 
that he can doe it soe exactly, that a man cannot easily discerne the 
knavery, & that one of the Randolphs being detected of such vil- 
lany, is lately fled, to save his ears. Whether, as some say, he has 
imitated my hand, in his forgery, I know not, or whether he has 
forged any moor letters with this, and fathered his Bratts upon me, 
only I hope that good will come out of it. However, tis good that 



Notes by the Editor. 303 

all mankind will be convinced that Randolph is a great knave, for 
he that will forge such a bloody letter, that so he may do mischiefe, 
not only to an Innocenc man, but to an honnest People, what wicked- 
ness & inhumanity will he not be guilty of, if he doth but think that 
his villany shall not be discovered. But I am not the first that have 
been thus abused. I finde in the History of Sham Plotts, in page 
16 & 17, that treasonable letters w[ere] forged and laid to the charge 
of severall Nonconformist ministers, Mr. Baxter, Doct" Conant, and 
other men of great worth ; but the impious Authurs thereof were 
detected, to theire shame. And soe I dought not but it will be in 
this case, and rather because the forger has highly abused the 
Glorious name of the blessed God, not onely by a profane Cota-tion 
of many scriptures, which were not mentioned by me, but by men- 
tioning the sacred title of the most high God, to serve a wicked 
designe. In the superscrition of his forgery he mentions the name 
of Jesus Christ, and four times he mentions the dreadfull name 
Jehovah, which is a name that for some reasons not needfuU here to 
be exprest, I doe verry rarely mention, and that is a farther mani- 
festation, that this letter was not of my Composure. Such has been 
the desperate prophaness of the Atheisticall Authur of this forged 
letter, that rather then not attempt the doeing of mischiefe to New 
England, and to me, who am one of the least of the ministers of 
God therein ; he will attempt God himselfe, to vindicate his owne 
name upon him, but I beleeve as to your selfe, S', to whom I am 
knowne, I am certaine that before ever you spake with me about it, 
you were perswaded the letter was none of myne, since it was not 
written in my stile, and there are things in it obhorrid to my knowne 
Principles. You may communicate this to whome you please. 

I am, s', y' humble serv Increase Mather.^ 

Boston, the lo*.'' November, 16S4. 

When Randolph learned that Mather had written the fore- 
going letter to Dudley, he solicited and obtained a copy, 

1 The spelling of this letter is not Mather's. — H. 




304 Edward Randolph. 

and subsequently brought an action of trespass on the case 
against Mather for defamation, laying his damages at /500. 
The writ was dated Dec. 24, 1687.^ Mather was arrested by 
virtue of the following precept: — 

Suffolk ss. 

By Vertue of his Maj'.' Writt of Capias to me Directed, Returnable 
before his Maj'' Justices at the Next Superior Court of Pleas, to be 
held in Boston on the Last Tuesday in January nexte, you 
L. s. \ shall Arest Increase Mather to Answer To Edward Ran- 
_ dolph, Esqir: of a Plea of Trespas uppon the Case, to the 
Plahitiff's Damage five hundred pounds. Da' the 24"' of Dece. & in 

the Thirde year of his Maj" Reigne. 

James Shirlock, Sher'^. 
Veria Copia. Thomas Larkin.^ 

During the pendency of the suit against Dr. Mather, he 
received from one of the lawyers whom he consulted the fol- 
lowing "opinion" of the law applicable to his defence:^ — 

^ The long interval between the date " Prince Coll. 

of Mather's letter to Dudley and the ^ The manuscript copy of this "opin- 

bringing of the suit may have been o\v- ion" is in the Prince Collection, and 

ing m part to Randolph's long and fre- with other papers, letters, etc., relating 

qilent absences from New England. In to this suit, has been printed by the 

this connection the following letter from Mass. Hist. Society in the "Mather 

Dudley to Randolph is noteworthy, as Papers." The manuscript copy is un- 

coming from a justice of the court. signed, and there is nothing to show 

who was the author. In the "Mather 

To Edward Randolph, EsqK Papers," as printed, this paper is signed 

S% — I nuide my Excuse yesterday to M' " C. C. ; " but tlie copyist evidently 
West Isecretary of the Council] for my ab- misread the abbreviation " &c." for 
sence. I am this morning ill and uncapable the initials of the writer. The hand- 
to ride. \ ou have already a copy of the writing in the manuscript somewhat re- 

S^Zl^lfZr\^^^'"''^"^^''■^'■':■'"'^. resembles Bradstreet's but it would 
hand is not Ar JMather s own writinc;, but u ui ..i .^ ^i i i .1 

only his subscription. What may be-done ^eem probable that Checkley was the 

with the one will alike be done by the author. In order to make the sense 

other. Give my humble Seirvice to his clearer, quotation marks are now placed 

Excellency. I wish his health while I want before and after the words taken from 

my own. Mather's letter to Dudley of Nov. 10, 

Your serv', 16S4. 
IS Dec. 16S7. J. Dudley. 



Notes by the Editor. 305 

As to the Action of Defamation 

Please To Know that as to things incertaine or dubious noe jitic- 
ular Action can be comonced vpon. Now 't is noe where asserted in 
that Lre that Edward Randolph was the Forger of that Lre. As to 
that (that "belike the Jewes Name was either Edward or Bernard 
Randolph;") 'tis not pticularly appropriated to Edward Randolph, 
soe that for the incertainetye thereof Noe Action can lye at the Suite 
of Edward Randolph, and " one of the Randolphs being detected of 
such villanye is lately fled to save his Eares," which cannot touch 
Edward, and that " Randolph is a great Knave," is too gefiall to 
Comence an Action vpon, and that " 't is suspected that he may be 
the author thereof," is too geuall still to mainteyne an Action ; and 
as to an Action for words, it cannot bee, for that the pper words for 
such action are (Retulit, p'palavit, & publicavit in auditu quam plu- 
rimorum subditorum Dni Regis in his anglicanis verbis videl' &c.) ; 
then writeing of a Lre barely to one I cannot vnderstand to be a 
publication, altho the pson to whome the Lre was Writt doe shew it 
to seuerall ; but he may be said to publish, &c. 

But let them first prove the Lre to be yours, which you need not 
owne, and you may safely plead. That you are not guilty (modo & 
forma ut querens versus eum queritur). Et de hoc pou se sup. pa- 
triam &c. In hast, I am Yrs, &c. 

Just before or during the trial of the suit, Dr. Mather ad- 
dressed the presiding justice the following letter. Such a 
proceeding in the present day would be regarded as extraordi- 
nary and highly improper. It contains one very significant 
and important statement (printed in italics), to be noticed here- 
after. 

These for the Honorable Joseph Dudley, Esq. in Roxbiiry} 

S'', — I have for many years showed all the respect to yourselfe 
& yours which I could do, & have wished for an opportunity of doing 
more. Providence has so ordered that it is now in your power to do 

1 Prince Coll. 
39 



3o6 Edward Randolph. 

me a kindness. I desire nothing but what is just & righteous, & 
therefore am confident you will hearken to me. I then pray you 
to consider whether it can stand with justice in Mr R[ando]ph]s 
case to find for him at all. For i . I never did positively charge 
him with the forged letter ; only declared my suspicion. Now, 
except the charge be positive and particular the case is not ac- 
tionable as a slander. The truth is I never thought that hee {& 
therefore could not charge hini,) but a brother of his was the forger, 
only I wish he can bond fide, clear himselfe from being privy to that 
wickedness. 2. No man can say that my name was subscribed with 
my owne hand, or that the Scribe might not mistake several words, 
& send a wrong copy to yourselfe. 3. M' R. is legally guilty. Hee 
that has falsely to the Secretary of State and others, charged me 
with a letter which is a forged thing, is legally guilty of that For- 
gery, But Mr R. has done so. In his letter to M.' Bradstreet, (who 
has bin so kind as to give it to me) dated f"" 4, 1684, he confesseth 
that hee informed Sir L[eoHne] J[enkins] & several of the Lords, 
that I was the Author of that letter to Mf Gouge. And in his 
letter to Ml; Shrimpton dated July 18* 84, (which I have by me 
likewise) hee accuseth me with that treasonable letter. I have little 
knowledge in the Statutes of the Land, but some acquaintance with 
the Laws of God I ought to have. If that statute, Deut. 19, 18, 19, 
20, may take place, M' R. ought to dye the death for having falsly 
& maliciously accused me with a capital crime. 

These things I thought it my concern humbly to suggest to you. 
I comend you to God, and rest. Sir, 

Yours to serve you, I, Mather. 

January 24, i6S7[-S]. 

S", — I must entreat you to be as kind to me as M' Bradstreet 
has bin, in giving me Mr R.'' letter to yourselfe with which hee sent 
the Forged Letter of mine. 

The official record of the pleas, trial, and judgment in this 
suit has disappeared from the files of the court. Not a paper 



Notes by the Editor. 307 

or line remains; but from fragmentary copies of papers pre- 
served in the Prince Collection and in the State archives I 
am able to compile the following statement. The cause 
came on for trial at a term of the Superior Court for the 
county of Suffolk, on the last Tuesday of January, 1687-8. 
The Court consisted of Joseph Dudley, presiding justice, Wil- 
liam Stoughton, associate justice, and several of the justices 
of the peace for the county aforesaid. Farewell and Hayman 
appeared for the plaintiff; Master and Checkley for the de- 
fendant. The jury chosen to try the case was composed 
of the following persons, all of Boston ; namely, George 
Turfrey, Adam Winthrop, William Hobby, Gervaise Bal- 
lard, Robert Howard, William Gibson, Simeon Stoddard, 
Bozoan Allen, Humphrey Parsons, Thomas Stanbury, and 
Duncan Campbell. 

The following note of the trial, hitherto unprinted, is, for 
various reasons, interesting: — 

Randolph Dec' in Defamacon. Dam.;!^500. Checkley & Master 
^•^- for Def' plead not Guilty. Hayman for PF opened y^ 

Declar. Farewell pursued & read y'^ Letter. The Let- 
ter was wrott by y'' Def to y^ Pres'd-, but he Says he 
never published y" Same to any. 

To proue y'' publicon of y" Letter M' Farewell produces 
Jn" Hale of Beverley 
Gyles Master. 
Hale Objects ag~ Swearing on y'^ bible & was Admit- 
ted to Sweare by holding up his hand. 

It was demanded of Hale if Euer he heard or Saw a 
Letter wrott by M' Mather to y'' purports of that men- 
coned in y" dec' 



3o8 Edward Randolph. 

Sayes that ab' 3 years agoe heareing of a Letter that 
was published in England in abuse of y^ Def & ab' 
which remarkes was made by y^ observator, he asked M' 
Mather ab' it, who told him it was a false thing putt on 
him, & showed him a paper where in he had vindicated 
himselfe, w-' he delivered him to Shew to others & Sat- 
isfie them therein, & that he did both Shew it & declare 
it to Seurall persons, & y" writeing was Sometime out 
of his hands, but was after Returned to W Mather 
againe. That y'' writeing he receiued from M' Mather 
was a Letter directed to y*" Presid', that it was Some- 
thing like what he heard now read, but cannot remem- 
ber eury Perticuler : that y^ paper M' Mather gaue 
him Seem'' to be a coppy of a Letter wrott to y^ Presd', 
but whether it was a true Coppy or not does not know, 
nor whether y" Letter in y^ dec' be diverse or y^ Same. 

The Letter being read in part. Some he remembers 
& Some does not. Says he Lent y" paper to Deacon 
Hill, & ab' 3 yeares Since, on M' Mathers desire, he Re- 
turned it to him againe; he after Says he lett M' Hig- 
ginson & M' Cobbitt haue y'= paper & to many others 
of meaner Rank. 

Master Ownes y* Seeing y" letter long before y^ 
accon Commencs. Farewell Sworne. Sayes he Saw y* 
Letter ab' 9 months Since in Boston.^ 

As might have been expected under the circumstances, 
the plaintiff failed in his suit, and was compelled to pay 
the costs. 

It has never been ascertained beyond a doubt who was 
the author of the forged letter. Independent of the con- 
tents of the letter itself, Dr. Mather's denial of the author- 
ship should have been sufficient at the time, and must be 

1 Mass. Archives. 



Notes by the Editor. 309 

so regarded now. Was Edward Randolph the author ? As 
we have seen, Dr. Mather says in his letter to Dudley (Jan. 
24, 1687-8): "The truth is I never thought that hee [Ed- 
ward Randolph] (& therefore could not charge him) but a 
brother of his was the forger." However inconsistent this 
statement seems to be when compared with the general tone 
of Mather's previous letter to Dudley, dated Nov. 10, 1684, 
it must be accepted as true. But Mathers denial as to him- 
self, and his exculpation of Edward Randolph from the 
charge of forging the letter, must go together; It is testi- 
mony of the highest value in favor of Edward Randolph 
from one who had greatly suffered and was still suffering, 
as he believed, at Randolph's hands.^ 

It is remarked above (page 278), that "in the records of 
that age no name is branded by writers with so many, so 
varied, and so strongly denunciatory epithets as that of 
Edward Randolph." In the forged letter, falsely attributed 
to Dr. Increase Mather, the writer, using a phrase which 
had undoubtedly become familiar to his ears, speaks of Ed- 
ward Randolph as " a mortal enemy " of New England. In 
his letter of Nov. 10, 1684, to Dudley, as given above, Dr. 
Mather calls Randolph " a child of the Divill," whatever 

^ In the elaborate note appended to discusses the same subject, and comes 

the foro^ed letter, in the eighth volume to the conclusion that neither Increase 

(4th series) of the Collections of the Mather nor Edward Randolph was the 

Alass. Hist. Society, the editor, Dr. author. His suggestion as to the pos- 

Chandler Robbins, demonstrates be- sibility that Dr. Cotton Mather was the 

yond a reasonable doubt that Mather au-thor is not likely to have much weight, 

was not the author of the letter, and in Cotton Mather, although afflicted from 

that note and elsewhere expresses his boyhood with the disease known as 

belief that Edward Randolph was the cacoeiJies scribendi, and through his 

author. He seems to have overlooked whole life the victim of pedantic tastes 

the letter of Mather to Dudley of Jan, and the conceit of all knowledge "in 

24, 1687, printed in the same volume, half a dozen languages," was neither a 

or to have regarded it as inconclu- fool nor a knave. We do not see any 

sive. Dr. Palfrey (History, iii. 557) motive inducing him to write the letter. 



3IO Edward Randolph. 

that may mean, and " a great Knave." These are certainly 
vigorous epithets, and the more remarkable as coming from 
the amiable and courteous Increase Mather, who, unlike his 
famous son Cotton, was rarely "surprised in his cups" — 
of rhetoric highly spiced with capital letters and italics. 
Randolph himself was not incapable, when it served his 
purpose, of graphic or pungent phrases, an example of which 
occurs in his letter of July i8, 1684, to Shrimpton,^ where he 
characterizes Mather as " the bellows of sedition." Cotton 
Mather, who is not open to the charge of undue affection 
for Randolph, nor of feebleness of invective concerning 
those whom he hated or disliked, had his last shot in 1724, 
when he wrote as follows : " I will here take my Eternal 
Farewell of him, with Relating That he proved a Blasted 
Wretch, followed with a sensible Ctirse of GOD wherever 
he came; Despised, Abhorred, Unprosperous." ^ 

A collection of some of the epithetical phrases referred to 
above may not be altogether uninteresting; and the reader 
may perhaps discover who is entitled to the credit, if credit 
there be, of their primary use. The following list has been 
gathered in a somewhat hasty glance at the books: — 

" Randolph, who, the people of New England said, * went up and down 
to devour them.'" (Hutchinson's Hist., 1764, p. 319.) 

" Messenger of death." (Hutchinson's Hist., 1764, p. 337.) 
" Messenger of death." (By the unknown author of the British Domin- 
ions in North America, etc., London, 1773, p. 147-) 

" The angel of death." (Belknap's Hist, 1784, i. 117.) 
"The public accuser of those days." (Morse and Parish's Hist., 1804, 
p. 294.) 

* Coll. Mass. Hist. See, viii., Fourth Series, 96. 

"^ Parentator, or Remarkables of Dr. Increase Mather, 107. 



Notes by the Editor. 3 1 1 

"An enemy." (Holmes's Annals, 1805, i. 394.) 

"The evil genius of Massachusetts." (Holmes's Annals, 1805, i. 410.) 

"An active and implacable adversary to New England." (Elliott's Biog. 
Die, art. Rajidolph^ 

" The general enemy and accuser of the free." (Graham's Hist., 1827, 
i. 438.) 

"The general enemy of American liberty." (Graham's Hist., 1836, 

i- 37°-) 

" The hated messenger." (Bancroft's Hist., ii. 124.) 

"'The Evil Genius of New England,' or, as he is called, her ' Angel of 
death.' " (Washburn's Jud. Hist, of Mass., 129.) 

"That indefatigable enemy." (Hildreth's Hist., 1849, i- 5°4-) 

"The enemy." (Palfrey's Hist., 1864, iii. 289.) 

In a letter of Randolph to Governor Winslow of the 
Plymouth Colony, dated January 29, 1679-80, he states 
that he had just returned to Boston from New Hampshire, 
where he remained from December 27 to January 22; and 
adds that he was " received at Boston more like a spy than 
one of His Majesty's servants. They kept a day of thanks 
for the return of their agents [Stoughton and Bulkley], but 
have prepared a welcome for me by a paper of scandalous 
verses, all persons taking liberty to abuse me in their dis- 
courses, of which I take the more notice, because it so 
much reflects upon my master, who will not forget it." ^ 
The following are the verses^ to which he refers: — 

RANDOLPH'S WELCOME BACK AGAINE. 

Welcome, S', welcome frojn y' eastern shore, 
With a commission stronger than before 
To play the horse-leach ; rob us of our Fleeces, 
To rend our land, and teare it all to pieces : 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. See, vi. 92. 

2 Hist. Coll., by Farmer and Moore, iii. 30. 



312 Edward Randolph. 

Welcome now back againe ; as is the whip 

To a Foole's back ; as water in a ship. 

Boston make roome, Randolph 's returned, that hector, 

Confirm'd at home to be y^ sharp Collector ; 

Whoe shortly will present unto y' viewes 

The Create Broad Seale that will you all amuse, — 

Unwelcome tidings, and unhappy newes. 

New England is a very loyall shrubb 

That loues her Soueraigne, hates a Beelzebub : 

That 's willing (let it to her praise be spoake) 

To doe Obedience to the Royall Oake, 

To pay the Tribute that to it belongs. 

For shielding her from Injuries and Wrongs : 

But you the Agent, S', shee cannot brook ; 

Shee likes the Meate, but can't abide the Cook. 

Alas, shee would haue Caesar haue his Due, 

But not by such a wicked Hand as you : 

For an acknowledgement of Right, wee scorne 

(To pay to our greate Lord a pepper-corn) 

To baulke the Tearmes of our most Gratious Deed, 

But would ten thousand times the same exceed. 

Some call you Randall — Rend-all I you name, 

Soe you '11 appear before you 've played y"" Game. 

Hee that keeps a Plantagon, Custom-house, 

One year, may bee a Man, the next a Mouse. 

Y' brother Dyer ^ hath the Divell played, 

Made the New-Yorkers at the first afTraide, 

Hee vapoured, swagger'd, hector'd (whoe but hee ?) 

But soon destroyed himself by Villanie. 

Well might his cursed name w"" D begin, 

Who was a Divell in his hart for Sin, 

1 William Dyer (Hutchinson, i. 330, Gov. Andros in 1674. See N. Y. Col. 

writes the name Dyre) was appointed Docs., iii. 221 ; Mass. Rec, v. 383, 386, 

surveyor-general of customs, Jan. 4, 530; Mass. Hist. Coll., Fourth Series, 

1683. He came to New York with viii. 533. — H. 



Notes by the Editor. 313 

And currantly did pass, by common vogue, 

For the DeceitfuU'st Wretch and Greatest Rogue. 

By him you 're furnish't w^ a sad Example — 

Take heed that those you Crush don't on you trample. 



Wee veryly belieue wee are not bound 

To pay one Mite to you, much less a Pound. 

If there were need New England you must know 

Flf tey p. cent we 'Id on our King bestow, 

And not begrutch the Off 'ring, shee 's so Franck, 

But hates to pay where shee will haue no thanke. 

We doe presume Secundus Carrolus Rex 

Sent you not here a Countrye's heart to vex. 

Hee giues an Inch of power : you take an Ell. 

Should it be Knowne, hee would not like it well. 

If you doe Understand y' occupation, 

'Tis to keepe acts of Trade from Violation. 

If Merchants in their traffique will be Faire, 

You must, Camelion-like, Hue on the aire. 

Should they not trade to Holland, Spain, and France, 

Directly you must seeke for maintenance. 



The Customs and the Fees will scarce supply 
Belly and Back. What 's left for 's Majesty? 
What you collect won't make you to look bigg 
With modish Nick-Nacks, Dagger, Perriwigg ; 
A courtier's garbe too costly you will see 
To be maintained where is noe Gift nor Fee. 
Pull downe the mill, rente the ground, you '11 finde 
That very Few will come to you to grinde. 
Merchants their Come will alwayes carry there, 
Where the Tole 's easy, and the Usuage Faire. 
Wee '11 Kneele to the mill-owner, as our Cheife \\ 
But doe not like the Miller ; he 's a Theife, > 

And entertaine him not w''' joy, but Greife. J 

40 



314 Eihvard RcDidoIpJi. 

When Heauen would Job's signall Patience try, 
He gaue Hell leaue to Plott his Misery, 
And Act it, too, according to it's will, 
With this exception, — don't his body kill. 
Soe Royall Charles is now about to proue 
Our Loyalty, Allegiance, and Loue, 
In giuing Licence to a Publican, 
To Pinch the Purse, but not to Hurt the Man. 
Patience raised Job unto the height of Fame, 
Lett our Obedience doe tor us the Same. 



It is not intended in this place to enter upon an extended 
discussion of any one of the .several questions involved in 
Randolph's connection with the affairs of New England 
from 1676 to 16S9; nor to engage in a formal defence of 
his character or his acts against the accusations made by his 
enemies, and repeated by many historical writers since his 
day. Nor is it intended to discuss at length the conduct 
and motives of the leading public men of Massachusetts, dur- 
ing the period in question, in respect to those acts of omis- 
sion or commission of which the King repeatedly complained, 
and on account of which he at last intervened. Whoever de- 
sires to learn the facts will resort to the original sources of 
information. The facts are detailed or referred to by Dr. 
Palfrey in his History of New England with sufficient ful- 
ness to enable the student to see very clearly whether or not 
the merits of that controversy were confined to one side. 
That able and justly esteemed author aimed to be candid 
and impartial ; but the temptation to become the advocate 
of a party — a temptation that assails and triumphs over 
most writers of history — was not wholly resisted by him. 
His readers will fail to find any admission that in his judg- 



Nofes by the Editor. 315 

ment there was a reasonable ground or proper justification 
for the King's intervention. 

The only other American writer of acknowledged weight 
and historical learning who has treated the subject specially 
and at length, is the author of a recent work on the Puri- 
tan Age and Rule in Massachusetts.^ While naturally 
disposed, it may be assumed, to make the best possible 
showing for Massachusetts in that long and disagreeable 
controversy which resulted in the forfeiture of the first 
charter, he has stated the chief grounds of contention and 
defence with fairness and frankness. The work referred 
to is a contribution in the direction and in the interest 
of a critical and impartial history of the period named, 
and as such is a step towards a restatement of that 
history. 

When that restatement shall appear in a formal narrative, 
as it must, w^e may reasonably believe it will be seen that 
there were two sides to the controversy, as there were two 
parties, and that by reason of their obstinacy and lack of 
foresight, if not lack of statesmanship, the leaders of public 
thought and action in Massachusetts were themselves chiefly 
responsible for whatever of misfortune befell them in the 
loss of their power and their government. But was the fall 
of the theocratic government of the old Puritan leaders a 
misfortune for Massachusetts or for New England? It 
was based on an impracticable theory ; it had served its end, 
and so was destined in the nature of things, or rather, as 
we may more properly say, under the hand of Providence, 

1 The Puritan Age and Rule in 1629-1685, by George E. Ellis. Boston, 
the Colony o£ the Massachusetts Hay, 1888. 



3i6 Ed'ican-i RaiidoIpJi. 

to be removed out of the way sooner or later. It was for- 
tunate for the people of New England that the end came 
when it did, and that the event was not marked by blood- 
shed or extreme violence. 

We may also expect that some men who then rested and 
still rest under a load of distrust, and even hatred, will 
receive, when the evidence is more discriminatingly consid- 
ered, a less rigorous treatment than has hitherto been 
visited upon them. Among these nuMi Randolph, so long 
the target for invective, will probablv receive a fairer esti- 
mate. His side of the case will also be presented. Justice 
demands that he should be fairly and fully heard. 

It will appear that he was a man of no ordinary ability, 
and there is no evidence that he was open to reproach on 
the score of personal morality. It will be seen that he 
was not a volunteer in the mission that brought him to 
New England; that he came as the agent of the King, with 
instructions to do a prescribed work. As such he was en- 
titled to a respectful reception and to respectful treatment. 
It was charged against hini that he behaved rudely and 
arrogantly towards the authorities. The inquiry will have to 
be made whether or not the treatment he received would 
not be likely to goad a man of spirit, acting under the au- 
thority of his sovereign, into a display of intemperate zeal 
and the expression of irritated feelings. It was charged 
that he sent home exaggerated reports and malicious state- 
ments as to the motives and acts of the ruling men in New 
England. It must be conceded that many of his statements 
proved to be exaggerated; but this fault was not peculiar 
to Randolph. Malice is always more easily charged than 



Notes by the Editor. 



o' / 



proved. He wrote and probably uttered many harsh tliinos 
concernnig the men wlio resolutely and steadily labored Ui 
baffle his efforts and hinder him in the discharoe of his 
ofJice ; but did he in any case give more than a " Roland 
for an Oliver"? Many other charges, more or less grave, 
were made against him. The question will be, whether the 
charges rest on credible evidence, or only on the assertions 
of his enemies.' 

It will be borne m mind that he gained and retained the 
personal friendship of some men of good standing and in- 
fluence in New England, and that he secured the confidence 
of three sovereigns in succession. If it be objected that to 
have been the trusted agent of Charles II. and of James II. 
reflects no credit upon him, it must be remembered that he 
had likewise the confidence of a better man than either, a 

more sagacious statesman, a far more respected sovereign, 

William III., and that he died while holding an important 
commission from that monarch. 

Of Randolph's early history little is known. It is evident 
that he had been educated in the classics. His occasional 
use of Greek and of Latin phrases, always accurate and 
pertinent, would indicate so much, at least. It would also 
appear that, previous to his coming to New England, he 
had been employed in the affairs of the Admiraltyrand per- 

» It appears that Randolph had one paper, wherein the absurdities and in- 

detect which has not liecn charged sanities of the times mi.Hit have been 

as^^mst him : he lacked the sense of lashed out of si-lu. or out of hcarin- 

humor But in this he was not very by the whip o^ ridicule. One yeai's 

clilierent from the people among whom issue of Punch would have done more 

he lived a troubled life for ten years good than two synods, or half a dozen 

and more. 1 he greatest boon for the sessions of the General Court 
I urit.ms would have been a daily news- 



3i8 Edward Randolph. 

haps also in the department of Customs. His letters and 
reports compare favorably in style with similar papers of 
that day. 

When Dudley was commissioned president of New Eng- 
land, Randolph was named as one of his counsellors, and he 
was also a member of the council in Andres's government. 
How far he was individually responsible for whatever was 
harsh, arbitrary, and oppressive in Andres's administra- 
tion, does not appear. 

The career of Andros was in most respects an ignomin- 
ious failure. He and most of the men who came in his 
train, or were drawn about him as advisers, were singularly 
unsuited to the business intrusted to them. They were ill- 
fitted to deal with a people who aimed, even in that early 
period, at independence of the Crown and the Parliament, 
and acknowledged their allegiance only under stress or 
compulsion. A more conciliatory policy, a more moderate 
course of procedure, would in the end probably have ac- 
complished all that the King desired. 

Randolph was involved in the downfall of Andros's ad- 
ministration by the uprising of the people, and after a close 
and not very humane imprisonment in the common jail in 
Boston for nearly ten months, was, by the King's order, 
with Andros and several other prisoners, sent to England 
for trial. The order was dated the 30th of July, 1689, but 
was not complied with until the 9th of February of the fol- 
lowing year.^ No one appeared at the trial to support the 

^ Mass. Arch. xxxv. 231. The King's and others our Subjects, that have been 
order required that " Sir Edmond An- in like manner seized by the said Peo- 
dros, Edward Randolph, John Trefry. pie of Boston, and shall be at the Re- 



Notes by the Editor. 



319 



charges made against the prisoners, and they were released 
without even a reprimand. Andros and Randolph were 
soon afterward appointed by the King to important offices 
in America. 

As has already been stated, Randolph, though tempo- 
rarily removed from America in consequence of the revolt 
against Andros's government, gained the confidence of 
his new sovereign, and returned to America with a new 
commission, and with larger powers than those previously 
conferred upon him. In 1691 he was made surveyor- 
general of His Majesty's customs in all the English Prov- 
inces and Plantations in America. How soon he entered 
upon the duties of his office does not appear, but it is 



ceipt of these Our Commands detained 
there under Confinement, be forthwith 
sent on Board the first ship bound 
hither, to answer before us what may 
be Objected against them, and that you 
take care that they be Civilly used in 
their Passage from New England, and 
safely Conveyed to our Royall Pres- 
ence." Some of the prisoners had been 
released. The order to Captain Bant 
to receive the prisoners, and his re- 
ceipt, are as follows : — 

To Gilbert Bant, Cofnander 

of the Ship Mehetabel. 

Pursuant to his Ma"" Comands in his 
Gracious Letter of ye 30th of July last 
past, Copy whereof is above written, you 
are Required in their Ma^'^^ names to re- 
ceive into your charge & custody on board 
the Ship Mehetabel, whereof you are Com- 
and"! , now bound for England, Sr Edmund 
Andros, Ki", Joseph Dudley, Esq^ , m"; Ed- 
ward Randolph, vs\\ John Palmer, mt John 
West, m': James Grayham, m": James She- 
lock, and ni; George Farewell, & every of 
them herewith delivered unto you by Cap".<^ 
John Fayerweather, and them safely to con- 
vay according to his Ma''«s Cofnands in said 
Letters, which you are exactly to observe in 



all Respects, hereof faile not, as you will 
answer the contrary at yoT peril. Dated at 
Boston within the Colony of the Massachu- 
setts Bay in New England the Fifth day of 
Feburary, 1689. In the First year of the 
Reign of our Sovereign Lord and Lady, 
William and Mary, by the grace of God 
King & Queen of England. 

Sim: P5radstreet, Gozm'' 

in the name of the Gen'all Cour. 

By virtue of the withinwritten Precept 
Signed by the Ilon^l''^ Simon Bradstreet, 
Esq": , Governo": , pursuant to his Majesties 
Comands I have received (together with the 
said Precept and Copy of his Ma''=^ said 
Comands thereabovewritten) into my 
charge and custody, on board the Ship Me- 
hetabel, the severall persons named in the 
said precept, viz'. S': Edmund Andros, K"!, 
Joseph Dudley, Esq": , mi: Edward Ran- 
dolph, m. John Palmer, mr John West, 
m> James Grayham, m. James Sherlock, 
and mr George Farewell. As also a Letter 
from the Government directed to the Right 
Hon''!e the Earle of Nottingham, One of his 
Ma'i'-s most Hon'''.*^ Privy Councill and 
Principl' Secretary of State For his Ma''5* 
Service. t^' Gilbert Bant. 

Boston in Nrw Enijland, 
y« gth February, 1689 [1689-90]. 



^20 Edzciirii Riiudoip/i. 



o 



probable that he came soon after receiving his commis- 
sion. From the glimpses we get of him after this time, he 
would seem to have been almost constantly travelling from 
one colony to another. He was at Annapolis, Maryland, 
Dec. i6, 1697, and in Philadelphia, March 17, 169S; in 
New York, April 26 and May 21; in Rhode Island, May 
24; in Boston, May 2>'^\ and again in New York, July 6 
and August 25. He appears to have been in London in 
1699, and in 1702. It will be obser\-ed that in his Will he 
speaks of himself as about to make his seventeenth voyage 
to America. This would indicate that he crossed the ocean 
many times after the date of his last commission. 

Where Randolph fixed his principal residence subsequent 
to 1 69 1 has not been definitely ascertained. Cotton Mather 
says : " Anon he died in Virginia, and in such Miserable 
Circumstances that (as it is said) he had only Two or Three 
Negro's to carry him unto his Grave." ^ If this statement 
as to the circumstances of his death be true, it would seem 
to indicate that he fell ill while on a journey, and died 
among strangers, or at some point remote from English 
habitations. As his duties would lead him to the West 
Indies, as well as to the southern Colonies, it may be he 
had a residence in Virginia or in Maryland, at some place 
convenient for taking ship. It has been conjectured that he 
had relatives of the same name living in Virginia, and for 
that reason also fixed his residence in that Colony. That 
he did so, is rendered probable by a clause in the certificate 
appended to his Will ; namely, " Edward Randolph, late of 
Acquamat in Virginia, deceased." There is no place or 

^ r.irentator. or Remarkables of Dr. Increase M.ither. 107. 



Notes by the Editor. 321 

district bearing this name. Doubtless Accomac is the 
name intended. 

No complete collection of the letters and official papers of 
Edward Randolph has as yet been printed. His Narrative, 
covering his proceedings and voyages in connection with 
his agency in the King's affairs in New England between 
the years 1675 and 1687 is printed in the Andros Tracts, 
and in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical So- 
ciety for November, iSSo. In the last-named publication 
there are also abstracts of Randolph s letters in the library 
oi the late Sir Thomas Phillipps. of England. The Hutch- 
inson Papers also contain letters to and from Randolph ; 
and in the New England Historical and Genealogical Regis- 
ter for 1SS3 are other papers and letters from his pen. 
Several of his letters are preserved in the Bodleian Librar}', 
Oxford, and others are in the State Paper Office of Eng- 
land. The Historical Magazine for September, 1S6S, has 
a list of the manuscripts in the Bodleian relating to Amer- 
ica, prepared by the late Joseph L. Chester, D.C.L. This 
list comprises nine papers and letters from Randolph ; 
namely : — 

1. Letter, from Boston, to Archbishop Sancroft, on the 
aversion of the inhabitants to the discipline of the Church, 
Dec. 1 1, 16S2. 

2. Letter to the same, relating to Patent of the Com- 
pany for evangelizing the Indians in New England, March 
26, 16S4. 

V A General Account of the Patent irranted to the 
Company mentioned above in No. 2. 

41 



322 Edward Randolph. 

4. Letter to Archbishop Sancroft, asking his assistance 
in raising money as bail in an action brought against him, 
dated Aug. 23, 1684. 

5. Letter to Dr. Lloyd, Bishop of St. Asaph, on the 
state of affairs in Boston, March, 1685. 

6. Letter to Archbishop Sancroft on the same subject, 
Aug. 2, 1686. 

7. Letter to the same on the sad and distracted condi- 
tion of New England, May 28, 1689. 

8. Abstract of letters sent to Randolph from the inhab- 
itants of Boston after the notice of the vacating of the 
Charter . 

9. A short account of the state of New England.^ 

In the Andros Tracts^ is a list of Randolph s letters and 
papers already printed, prepared by the editor of that work. 
This useful list, considerably enlarged, is here reproduced. 

1676. 

June 17. Randolph's Letter to Sec. Coventry Jenness's Transcripts, 60. 
June 23. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Leverett Andros Tracts, iii. 218. 
July 6. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Leverett Andros Tracts, iii. 219. 

Sept. 20. ) Randolph's Report on the Colonies* « Hutch. Coll. ii. 210. 

167S. 

July 9. Randolph's Instructions from the 

Commissioners Mass. H. S. Coll. xxvii. 129. 

1679-80. 

Jan. 4. Randolph's Letters, — abstracts . . Jenness's Transcripts, 84. 

^ Of the above papers, those num- "^ Published by the Prince Society; 

bered respectively 2, 3, 4, and 9 are William H. Whitmore. A.M., editor, 
printed in the New England Historical ^ The papers marked by an aste- 

and Genealogical Register for April, risk are printed in Bishop Perry's Papers 

1883; those numbered I, 5, 6, 7, and 8, relating to the Church in Massachu- 

in the Register for July, 1S83. — H. setts. — H. 



Notes by the Editor. 



323 



1679-so. 

Jan. 29. 



1680. 

1 68 1-2. 
Feb. 15. 

1682. 
May 29. 
June 14. 
July 14. 
Dec. II. 

16S3. 
July II. 

Sept. 2. 
Oct. X. 



Dec. 13. 
16S4. 
Mar. 26. 



Mar. — . 

June IQ. 

July 18. 

21. 

Aug. 23. 

Sept. 4. 
Dec. 3. 



1684-5. 
Feb. 9. 



Randolph's Letter to Gov. Josiah 
Winslow relating to his proceed- 
ings at Pascataqua Mass. H. S. Coll. vi. 92. 

Randolph's Instructions against the 
Bostoners Hutch. Coll. ii. 264. 

Randolph against Gen. Ct. of Mass. Hutch. Coll. ii. 265. 

Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London Hutch. Coll. ii. 271. 

Randolph's Letter to E. of Clarendon Hutch. Coll. ii. 275. 

Randolph's Letter to Bp. of London Hutch. Coll. ii. 279. 
Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of 

Canterbury* His. & Gene. Reg. x.\.xvii. 267. 

Randolph's Memorial to Archbishop 

of Canterbury His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 268. 

Randolph's Letter from Gov. Leverett Palfrey's Hist. iii. 375. 
Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade 

giving account of the Rebellion in 

New Hampshire Belknap, Farmer's ed. 463. 

Randolph's Letter to L Mather . . Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 524. 



Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of 
Canterbury, with an account of the 
Company for Evangelizing Indians 
in New England * 

Randolph's Short Account of Pres- 
ent State of New England * 

Randolph's Letter to Gyles Randolph 

Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . 

Randolph's Letter to S. Shrimpton . 

Randolpli's Letter to Archbishop of 
Canterbury * 

Randolph's Letter to S. Bradstreet . 

Randolph's Letter to Lords of Treas- 
ury 

Randolph's Letter from Bradstreet . 

Randolph's Letter to Dudley . . . 



His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 156. 

His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 157. 
Tuttle's His. Papers, 325. 
Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 524. 
Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 525. 

His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 15S. 
Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 527. 

Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 530. 
Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 527. 

Hutch. Coll. ii. 283. 



324 Edward Randolph. 

1685. 

Mar. 28. Randolph's Letter to Bp. of St. 
Asaph, with abstract of Letters of 

S. IJradstreet and Richard Wharton * His. it Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 26S. 
July 7. Randolph's Report and Trivv Coun- 
cil's Report N. V. Doc. iii. 362. 

Aug. 3. Randolph's Proposals about Ouo 

Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 177. 

18. Randolph's Proposals about Quo 

Warranto R. I. Rec. iii. 17S. 

Randolpli's Articles against R. L . R. L Rec. iii. 175. 
Sept. 21. Randolph's Commission .... I\Liss. H. S. Coll. xxvii. l6l. 
1686. 

May 27. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . Conn. Rec. iii. 352. 
July 7. Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of 

Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 291. 

July 28. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade Hutch. Coll. ii. 285. 
Randolph's Letter to W. Blathwayt Hutch. Coll. ii. 28S. 
Aug. 2. Randolph's Letter to Archbishop of 

Canterbury * His. & Gene. Reg. xxxvii. 270. 

23. Randolph's Letter to Lord Treasurer Mass. H. S. Coll. xxvii. 154. 
Randolph's Letter to Board of Trade R. L Rec. iii. 205. 
Oct. 27. Randolph's Letter to ArchlMshop of 

Canterbury Hutch. Coll. ii. 294. 

Dec. 23. Randolph's Letter to Gov. Treat . Conn. Rec. iii. 375. 

28. Randolph's Letter to RLijor Pynchon Mass. H. S. Coll. xviii. 237. 
16S7. 
]\Liy 21. Randolph's Letter to Povoy . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 297. 

Randolph's Letter to l>lath\vayt . ^Llss. H. S. Coll. xx.\viii. 531. 

16S7-8. 

Jan. 24. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . • Hutch. Coll. ii. 299. 
Mar. 10. Ranilolph's Letter from Pdathwayt . Hutch. Coll. ii. 301. 
18. Randolph's Letter from Povey . Hutch. Coll. ii. 303. 

1 688. 

June 21. Randolph's Letter to Povey . . . Hutch. Coll. ii. 304. 
Oct. 8. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 567. 
Nov. 9. Randolph's Letter to Pen .... Mass. H. S. Coll. xxxviii. 531. 
16S9. 
May 16. Randolph's Letter to Gov. of Vv.xr- 

bados Hutch. Coll. ii. 314. 

28. Ranilolph's Letter to .Archbishop of 

Cantorlnny * His. >."v Gone. Rog. xxxvii. 273. 



Notes by tJie Editor. 325 

1689. 

May 29. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iii. 578. 
Nov. 25. Ramhilpli's Letter to Elisha Cooke . Hutch. Coll. ii. 318. 
Dec. 28. Randolph's Letter to BrockhoUs . . N. Y. Doc. iii. 664. 

1692. 

Sept. 28. Randolph to John Usher .... Tutllo's His. Papers, 326. 

1698. 

April 26. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 300, 

May 16. Ranilolph's Letter to Lonls of Trade N. Y. Doc. iv. 31 1. 

30. Randolph's Letter to Lords of Trade R. L Rec iii. 339. 

The following letters ^ from Randolph are now for the 
first time printed: — 

EDWARD RANDOLPH TO GYLES RANDOLPH. 

Junk 19, 16S.). 
Bi^o. Gyles, — I have not further to trouble you by this ship only 
to acquaint my friends what was done in their Charter yesterday at 
y'^ Court of Chancery: A Rule for judo^ment to be as of this Term : 
but in case they shall appear by the first day of next Term & plead 
so as to go to tryall that Term, then tlie jiuli;"mcnt not to be re- 
corded. By the inclosed you see what is done with 1)' Gates. To- 
morrow Sir Thomas Armstrong is to be executed at Tyburn. Here 
was a flying rcjiort that h'erguson was taken, but that is contra- 
dicted. Be sure you [are] very exact in your ce[r]tiricates for ships 
loaden for liarbados, Jamaica, etc : Sir Richard Button goes now 
aboard for Barbados. My blessing to my Dear children. Be 
careful in delivery of all my letters as directed, & believe that I am 

Your very Lo: Brother, 

En. Randolph. 

My service to Mr. Shrimpton. Mn Wharton, & Mr. Usher: & to 
all my friends. 

[Endorsed, in the hand of John Usher : 
" Edward Randolph's letter, 19 Ju: to Giles Randolph.''] 

^ The originals of these letters are Jeffries, who has kindly permitted copies 
in the possession of Mr. Walter Lloyd to be taken for this volume. — H. 



326 Edw4 Randolph. 



EDWARD RAJ>OLPH TO JOHN USHER. 

Boston, Sept. 28, 1692. 

Sir, — I have scarce wSd my mouth since eat a messe of good 

broath at your house foi-iiy Breakfast : where your lady, son Jef- 

fryes, your daughter Jefyes, Jenny, John, David, and httle pretty 

Betty are all well : I c not question your manage [ment] every 

where, nor the respect ,40wn you by y" Inhabitants where you have 

to do : yett we are no without some foolish sham discourse which 

no wise body believes, ho' many fooles employ themselves about it. 

I expected Mr. Hirst >f Salem here to make out the truth of what 

he said to me abouty" Dutch bottom at Great Island & salt. But 

upon a second enqiry she was loaded with European goods and 

came directly from Cales [Cadiz] & was consigned to M' Gedney 

& M' Hirst, havijg Goods & bills for building a very large ship 

So that she is seiza)le. M' Brenton (J'' Court) [ ?] has appealed, but 

against a verdict i: judgment in Court: & he can make nothing of 

it. Now, if M' Elliott can prove her unlivery [unlading .''] of Goods 

before Entry, pray upon your Establishing of Courts both ship & 

cargo of salt be prosecuted upon my Information, you will save the 

King's & your third part, & pay the charges of my journey & save 

M' Brenton 100 £ : which he will be forced to pay if Tho: Wilkinson 

obtain a confirmation of his verdict. You will hear from me befor I 

leave this place. I am, dear frind, 

/ Your obliged humble s'v't, 

* Ed. Randolph. 

Let M' N ewton be retained for me. 

i 

r 



I 



( 

I 



APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX. 



No. I. Page io8. 

COMBINATIONS FOR LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN NEW 
HAMPSHIRE. 

THE grant of territory in New England to Capt. John Mason 
did not confer upon him any power of poHtical government ; 
but the grant of so much power as should be necessary to protect his 
own rights and the rights of his servants, as well as to preserve 
order, must be understood as implied in the concession made to 
him. In the absence of any general government, even of the sim- 
plest sort, the several communities or clusters of inhabitants in 
New Hampshire found themselves compelled at an early period 
to combine for self-protection. These separate communities were 
settled at and in the neighborhood of Strawberry Bank (Ports- 
mouth), Great Island (New Castle), Exeter and Dover. 

Tlie Lozver Pascataqua. 

It is not possible, at the present time, to determine the year when 
the inhabitants on the lower Pascataqua, including Strawberry 
Hank, Great Island, and Little Harbor, first entered into a " com- 
bination " or local government. Hubbard^ says, that "after Captain 

^ History of New England, 219, 220. 
42 



330 Appendix. 

Neal's going away" to England (1633) the inhabitants entered into 
a combination for the better enabling them to live orderly one by 
another." They chose for their first governor " Mr. Francis Wil- 
liams, an agent sent by Captain Mason, this Williams being a 
prudent man, and of better quality than the rest." He held this 
office for several years. In 1638 he exercised his authority, seem- 
ingly, however, beyond the limits of his jurisdiction, in quelling 
the violent disturbance at Dover, which grew out of the factious 
disputes between Larkham and Knollys and their respective 
partisans.^ 

It would appear that the inhabitants on the lower Pascataqua 
entered into a combination for a second time previous to 1643. 
The editor of the Provincial Papers of New Hampshire mentions 
an existing court record, bearing date the year last named, in which 
"John Pickering is injoyned to deliver the old combination of Straw- 
berry Bank the next court." And in the grant of glebe lands by 
the "inhabitants of the lower end of Pascataquack," May 25, 1640, 
signed by " Francis Williams, Governor, Ambrose Gibbins, Assis- 
tant," and others, reference is made to an existing " combination." ^ 
The record of both the earlier and later combinations has undoubt- 
edly perished, nor is there any record of their substance. When 
Massachusetts extended her jurisdiction over New Hampshire, all 
these combinations were dissolved, and some of the persons, like 
Williams, who had been prominent in the local governments, were 
appointed to civil or military offices under the government of 
Massachusetts. 

Exeter. 

In the year 1638 the Rev. John Wheelwright and others, who 
had been banished in the preceding year from the Colony of 
Massachusetts Bay, on account of their active participation in 

1 Belknap, Farmer's ed., chap. ii. 

^ Prov. Papers of New Hampshire, i. in, 112. 



Appendix. 331 

the theological controversy incited by Mrs. Ann Hutchinson, or 
on account of their known sympathy for her doctrines, made a set- 
tlement at Exeter. They first instituted a church, concerning 
which Winthrop, under date of Dec. 13, 1638, says: — 

Those who went to the falls at Pascataquack gathered a church, and 
wrote to our church [in Boston] to desire us to dismiss Mr. Wheelwright 
to them for an officer ; but because he desired it not himself, the elders 
did not propound it. Soon after came his own letters, with theirs, for his 
dismission, which thereupon was granted. Others also (upon their re- 
quest) were dismissed thither.-' 

The people whom the Rev. John Wheelwright led or early at- 
tracted to the " falls at Pascataquack," entered into a written com- 
bination for the purpose of government in 1639. Shortly afterward 
this instrument was altered to suit the views of those who were not 
inclined to profess in strong terms their allegiance to the King. 
But in the year 1640 there was a reaction in public sentiment, 
and the original combination " in substance " was readopted, with 
the following preliminary statement : — 

Whereas a certen combination was made by us, the brethren of the 
church of Exeter, w"> the rest of the Inhabitants, bearing date Mon. 5''' 
d. 4, 1639, ^^'* afterwards, upon the instant request of some of the brethren, 
was altered & put into such a forme of wordes, wherein howsoever we 
doe acknowledge the King's Majesty our dread Soueraigne & our selves 
his subjects : yet some expressions are contained therein w*^ may seeme to 
admit of such a sence as somewhat derogates from that due Allegiance 
w"^ we owe to his Hignesse, quite contrary to our true intents & meaninge : 
We therefore doe revoke, disannull, make voyd, and frustrate the said latter 
combination, as if it never had beene done, and do ratify, confirme, & 
establish the former, w'' wee onely stand unto as being in force & virtue, 
the w'' for substance is here set downe in manner & forme following. 
Mon. 2"^ d. 2, 1640. 

Whereas it hath pleased the lord to moue the heart of our Dread 

^ Winthrop's Hist, of New England, i. 338. 



332 Appendix. 

Soueraigne Charles by the grace of god king of England, Scotland, France, 
& Ireland to grant license & liberty to sundry of his subjects to plant 
them selves in the Westerne partes of America : Wee his loyall subjects, 
brethren of the church of Exceter, situate & lying upon the riuer of Pisca- 
taquacke,^ w'*^ other inhabitants there, considering w''^ our selves the holy 
will of god & our owne necessity, that we should not Hue w'*' out wholsome 
lawes & civil gouernment amongst us, of w'' we are altogether destitute, 
doe in the name of Christ, and in the sight of god, combine our selves 
together, to erect & set up amongst us such Government as shall be (to 
our best discerning) agreeable to the will of god : professing our selves 
subjects to our Soueraigne Lord King Charles according to the libertys of 
our English Colony of the Massachusetts, and binding our selves solemely 
by the grace & helpe of christ & in his name & feare to submit our selves 
to such godly & christian laws as are established in the Realme of Eng- 
land to our best knowledge : & to all other such lawes w'^ shall upon good 
grounds be made & inacted amongst us according to god, y* we may live 
quietly & peaceably together in all godlyness & honesty. Mon. 5"^ d. 4'^, 

1639-' 

The following names vv^ere subscribed to the above : — 

1 It will be observed that Gov. Win- granted [1629-30], the name Piscata- 
throp uses the phrase, "the falls at ^z^a was ever applied by the English or 
Pascataquack," and that the Exeter the Indians to Exeter River." As we 
compact of civil government contains have seen, the name was so applied in 
the expression, ''Exceter, situate & 1638 and 1639, and it is probable that its 
lying upon the riuer of Piscataquacke." application then was in harmony with 
Both expressions refer to the stream the popular usage from the time of the 
now called the Exeter River, the Indian first English settlements on the Pas- 
name for which was Squamscott. The cataqua. See note 3, pp. 103, 104, 
falls in the river are still popularly antca. — H. 

called Squamscott Falls. The reader ^ It appears that the original writing, 

will consider the importance of the fact containing the combination adopted in 

that in 1638 and 1639 the expressions 1639, has been lost; but we have it 

above cited were used to designate " for substance " in the new combina- 

the Pascataqua River, or a branch of tion adopted in 1640, as given above, 

it, as bearing upon the contention Unless this fact is borne in mind, the 

of Mr. Jenness (Notes on the First date, " Mon. 5"' d. 4"', 1639," affixed to 

Planting of New Hampshire, etc.) re- the paper draughted in 1640, is likely 

specting the southern limits of the to mislead the reader. For a fac- 

Hilton Patent. He remarks (pp. 54, simile of the paper, see Bell's History 

55) : " It may well be doubted whether of Exeter. — H. 
at the time the Hilton Patent was 



John Wheelwright 
Augustine Storre 
Thomas Wight 
William Wentworth 
Henry Elkins 

his 

George X Walton 

mark 

Samuell Walker 
Thomas Pettit 
Henry Toby 
William Wenbourne 

his 

Thomas X Crawley 

mark 

Chr Helme 

his 

Darby X Feild 

mark 
his 

Robert X Read 

mark 



Appendix. 

Edward Rishworth 

his 

Francis X Mathews 

mark 

Ralph Hall 

his 

Robert X Soward 

mark 

Richard Bullgar 
Christopher Lawton 

his 

George X Barlow 

mark 

Richard Moris 
Nicholas Needham 

his 

Thomas X Wilson 

mark 
his 

George X Rawbone 

mark 



his 

William X Coole 

mark 
his 

James X Walles 

mark 

Thomas Levitt 
Edmund Littlefield 

his 

John X Crame 

mark 

his 

Godfrye X Dearborne 

mark 

Philemon Pormort 
Thomas Wardell 

Willia X Wardell 

mark 

Robert X Smith 

mark 



Hilton Patent. 



It is probable that the settlers within the territory granted in 
1630 to Edward Hilton (see note 3, pages 103 and 104) had some 
kind of civil government as early as 1633, but there is no record of 
a formal combination for that purpose prior to the year 1640. The 
form of local government entered into on the 22d of October, 1640, 
is usually, but erroneously, spoken of by Hubbard, Belknap, and 
more modern writers, as the " Dover Combination." The instru- 
ment is here reproduced. It will be observed that the name Dover 
does not occur in it, and that the signers describe themselves as 
residing on "the River Pascataquack." The Hilton Patent included, 
so it was claimed, not only a portion of the present town of Dover, 
but also a portion of the present towns of Newington, Greenland, 
and Stratham. Among the signers was Captain Francis Cham- 
pernowne. Champernowne never resided in Dover. His residence 
in 1640 was in that part of Greenland which was then claimed to be 
a portion of the Hilton Patent. 



334 



Appendix. 



The original Hilton Patent Combination is supposed to be lost, 
but a copy, made for Governor Cranfield, was sent by him to Eng- 
land in 1682, and is now in the Public Record Office. Some of the 
subscribed names are evidently misspelled. The following copy is 
taken from Jenness's Abstracts of Original Documents relating to 
New Hampshire : — 

Whereas sundry Mischeifes and inconveniences have befaln us, and 
more and greater may in regard of want of Civill Government, his Gra- 
tious Ma''= having hitherto Setded no Order for us to our Knowledge — 

Wee whose names are underwritten being Inhabitants upon the River 
Pascataquack have voluntarily agreed to combine ourselves into a Body 
Politique that wee may the more comfortably enjoy the benefit of his 
Maj''" Lawes, and do hereby actually engage our Selves to submit to 
his Royal Maj"" Lawes, together with all such Orders as shalbee con- 
cluded by a Major part of the Freemen of our Society, in case they be not 
repugnant to the Lawes of England and administered in the behalfe of 
his Majesty. 

And this we have mutually promised and concluded to do, and so to 
continue till his Excellent Maj"« shall give other order concerning us. 

In Witness wee have hereto Set our hands the two and twentieth day of 
October in the Sixteenth yeare of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord Charles 
by the grace of God King of Great Brittain, France, & Ireland, Defender 
of the Faith, &c. 

Annoq : Dom' 1640. 



John FoUett 
Robert Nanney 
William Jones 
Philip Swaddon 
Richard Pinckhame 
Bartholomew Hunt 
William Bowden 
John Wastill 
John Heard 
John Hall 
Fran. Champernoon 



Hansard Knowles 
Edward Colcord 
Henry Lahorn 
Abel Cannmond 
Henry Beck 
Robert Huggins 
Thorn. Larkham 
Richard Waldern 
William Waldern 
William Storer 
William Furbur 



Tho. Layton 
Tho. Roberts 
Edward Starr 
James Nute 
Anthony Emery 
Richard Laham 
Bartholomew Smith 
Samuel Haines 
John Underhill 
Peter Garland 
John Dam 



Appejtdix. 335 

Steven Teddar John Phillips John Cross 

John Ungroufe Tho. Dunstar George Webb 

Thomas Canning William Pomfret James Rawlins 

This is a true copy compared with y= Originall by me 

Edw, Cran field. 

[Endorsed] New England N. Hampshire. The Combination for Gov- 
ernment by y« people at Pascatq (1640). 
Rci ab' 13'h Febr, 82-3. 



No. 2. Page 122. 
FRANCIS CHAMPERNOWNE'S WILL.i 

In the Name of God, Amen : I, Francis Champernowne, Gent, 
Inhabitant of the Island commonly called Champernowne's Island, 
in the Towneship of Kittery in the Province of Main in New Eng- 
land, being weake in Bodie but of sound and perfect Memory, doe 
make and ordaine this my Last Will and Testament in manner and 
forme following, Vizt. : 

Imprimis. I commit my soule unto God, hoping by his Mercy 
through the Merits of Jesus Christ to enjoy Life Eternall, and my 
Bodie to the Earth to be decently buried in such manner as my 
Executrix hereafter named shall think fitt, and as for my Temporall 
Estate and Goods with which it hath pleased God to endue me, 
after my Just Debts and Funeral! Charges are payd, I give and 
bequeath as followeth : 

Item. I make, Ordaine, and Constitute my welbeloved Wife Mary 
Champernowne full and sole Executrix of this my last Will and 
Testament. 

Item. I give, bequeath, and confirme unto my said Executrix the 
One half part of y* said Champernowne Island, w^*^ I now possesse, 

1 The editor is indebted to John S. copy of the Will, made from the original 
H- Fogg, M.D., of Boston, for this in his possession. 



S3^ Appendix. 

to her my said Executrix for Ever, which I have ah-eady given by 
Deed under my hand and scale to my said Executrix. 

Item. I give and bequeath and confirme unto my Son in Law 
Humphrey Elliot and Elizabeth his now wife and their heirs for 
Ever the Other part of my said Island, which I have already given 
by Deed under my hand and scale to the said Humphry and Eliza- 
beth his Wife. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my Son in Law Robert Cutt, my 
Daughter in Law Bridget Scriven, my Daughter in Law Mary Cutt, 
and my Daughter in Law Sarah Cutt, and to their heires for Ever, 
All that part of Three Hundred Acres of Land belonging unto me 
lying between Crocket's Neck & the Land formerly belonging unto 
Hugh Gullison on the Eastward side of Spruce Creek, to be equally 
divided between the said Robert, Bridget, Mary, and Sarah, Except 
what I have not before the making of this my Last Will and Testa- 
ment disposed of to any other person, and also excepting Thirty 
Acres of Land in this my last Will and Testament hereunder given 
to Elizabeth Small. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto Elizabeth Small my Servant Maid, 
and to her heirs for Ever, in behalfe of what I formerly promised 
her, Thirty Acres of Land at Spruce Creek, which s<^ Thirty Acres 
of Land, part of the aforesaid Three hundred Acres, It is my will 
shall be first layd out by my Executrix and my Overseers hereunder 
named. And also I doe give and bequeath unto the said Elizabeth 
Small Ten Pounds, to be payd to her in Cattle, and ten pounds in 
goods, which is in Lieu of what I promised her. 

Item. I give and bequeath unto my Son in Law Richard Cutt the 
Summe of Five pounds, to be payd by my said Executrix. 

Item. In respect of the great Affection that I beare unto my 
Granchild Champernowne Elliot, Son of Humphry Elliot, I doe by 
these presents adopt, declare, and make the said Champernowne 
Elliot my heir, giving to him, the said Champernowne, all the Lands 
of right belonging unto me or that may belong unto me either in 
Old England or in New England not by me already disposed of, and 



Appendix. 337 

doe by this my last Will and Testament appoint and constitute him, 
the said Champernowne, my Executor of all my Estate that either 
is or may of right belong or be due unto me in Old England from 
any person, and the same to have and enjoy to him the said Cham- 
pernowne and his Heires for ever. 

Item. I doe hereby constitute Robert Mason, Esq^, John Hincks, 
Esq^, Major John Davies of Yorke, and Robert Elliot of Great 
Island, Merchant, my loving Friends, to be Overseers of this my 
Last Will and Testament, and desire chey may see the same per- 
formed and be Assistant to my said Executrix. 

Lastly. I doe declare and Publish this to be my Last Will and 

Testament, annulUng and making void all former and other Wills 

and Testaments. In witnesse whereof I have hereunto put my 

hand and Scale this Sixteenth day of November, in the Yeare of 

our Lord God One thousand Six hundred and Eighty Six, Annoqe 

R. R^ Jacobi secundi 2^°, &c. 

Franc: Champernowne. 

Signed, Sealed, declared and published 
to be the last Will and Testament of 
Francis Champernowne, Gent. 
In the presence of us, 

William Milborne, 

Edm: Geach, 

RoBT Elliot. 

M"" William Milborne made oath this 28 : nouember, 1687, before 
John Hinckes, one of his Majestes Councill for his Teritory and 
Dominion of New England, that this was the Last will and Testa- 
ment of Captin Francis Champernown. John Hinckes 

Edmon Gaege and Rob'. Eliot, Esq":, Came before us this 20"! day 

of Sepf., and made oath they weare present and Saw Cap^'t Fransis 

Champernown Signe, Scale, and declare this Instrument to be his 

Last will and testament. 

W. Barefoote, J. P., 

Tho : Graffold. 

43 



338 Appendix. 

At his Majestyes Inferiour Court of Common 
P[l]eas held at Wells for this Province this 14* 
Province of March, 1687, M' Robert Ell[i]ott, & Edmund 
Main. Gage appeared before Joshua Scottow, Esq^ 

Judge of the Said Court for the S^ Province, & 
M*" Samuell Wheelright & Cap* Francis Hooke, 
two of his Majestyes Justices of the Peace for the Sayd Province, & 
made Oath that they Saw the late Cap* Francis Champernoon Sign, 
Scale, & proclaimed the within written Will as on the other Side 
expressed (he the S4 Champernoon being in full and perfect Under- 
standing), & that they Sett their handes to the Said Instrument as 
Witnesses, 

Francis Hooke, Just, p. Josh : Scottow, 

Sam'-'- Wheelwright: Jus: Pece. Thomas Scottow, Cler". 

The within written Will entered in y' Book of Records for Wills, 

&c., Aug" 18*, 1698, Fol. 56. 

^ Joseph Hammond, Register. 



No. 3. Page 122. 
THE CUTT, ELLIOT, AND ELLIOTT FAMILIES. 

Three brothers, John, Robert, and Richard Cutt (in modern 
times the name is Cutts), came to New England and settled on the 
Pascataqua. Savage states that they were natives of Wales, but upon 
what authority it does not appear. The precise date of their immi- 
gration has not been determined. John Cutt was an eminent mer- 
chant at Portsmouth, in the Province of New Hampshire, and by 
appointment of the Crown in 1679 was the first President of the 
royal government instituted in that Province. He died in 1681, and 
was spoken of as an aged man. He is usually mentioned as the 



Appendix. 339 

eldest of the brothers. In the town records his name does not 
appear until Jan. 30, 1653-4; his brother Richard's name is re- 
corded under date ot April 5, 1652. The last named was at first 
engaged in the fisheries at the Isles of Shoals ; but he finally settled 
at Portsmouth, and died there in 1676.^ 

Robert Cutt was a shipmaster, and resided for some time at Bar- 
bados, where he married his second wife, Mary Hoel. Returning 
to New England, he settled at Kittery, in the Province of Maine. 
Here he carried on the business of ship-building. He died in 
1674, and his will, dated June 18, 1674, was admitted to probate 
on the 6th of July next ensuing. His estate was inventoried at 
£Z<y> ; a large sum, says Savage, for that neighborhood. Among 
the chattels enumerated were eight negro slaves. 

By his wife Mary, R^obert Cutt had one^ son and four daughters ; 
namely, Mary, Bridget, Sarah, Elizabeth, and Robert. Sometime 
subsequent to 1675 his widow married Capt. Francis Champer- 
nowne. As will be seen by reference to Champernowne's Will 
(Appendix, No. 2), his wife and her children received by gift or 
devise the principal part of his estate. 

Bridget Cutt married the Rev. William Screven, the first Baptist 
minister in Kittery. Having suffered persecution for his relig- 
ious opinions, and being finally expelled, he removed to South 
Carolina, where he helped to establish his religious denomination 
on a permanent basis. He appears to have been an able and de- 
voted minister. His descendants are among the most respected 
people of South Carolina and Georgia.^ 

Elizabeth, the fourth daughter of Robert and Mary Cutt, married 
Humphrey Elliot, a resident on the Pascataqua. They had two 

1 For the Wills of John and Richard a necessary one. He may have been 

Cutt, see Brewster's Rambles about a son of Robert Cutt by his first wife. 

Portsmouth, First Series, No. 5. — H. Champernowne bequeathed to him 

2 Champernowne in his Will men- ^5. — H. 
tions his son-in-law, Richard Cutt. ^ For a notice of Mr. Screven and 

Hence it has been inferred that this his labors, see New England Historical 

Richard was also a son of Robert and and Genealogical Register for October, 

Mary Cutt; but the inference is not 1889. — H. 



340 • Appendix. 

sons, Robert and Champernowne. The latter, who was named heir 
and residuary legatee by Captain Champernowne, is supposed to 
have died early, as no mention is subsequently made of him in the 
records of Maine or in those of South Carolina. 

Humphrey Elliot, with his wife and family, and his mother-in- 
law, Mrs. Mary Champernowne, accompanied or followed Mr. 
Screven to South Carolina, where it is supposed they continued 
to reside, and where they died. After the death of Humphrey 
Elliot his widow married Robert Witherick, also of South Carolina. 
Robert, son of Humphrey Elliot, married Elizabeth Screven, proba- 
bly a daughter of the Rev. William Screven. The descendants of 
the Elliots and Screvens are numerous. 

The Elliotts of South Carolina and Georgia are for the most part 
descended from Joseph and Elizabeth Elliott, who removed from 
Barbados to South Carolina previous to 1697. It is not improbable 
that the Elliots of Pascataqua and the Elliotts of Barbados were 
originally of the same stock, and nearly related by blood. Persons 
bearing this surname have been eminent in every succeeding gen- 
eration, in Church and State, in arms and in civil life. By inter- 
marriage the family is connected with many of the families in 
South Carolina and Georgia, who for more than a century have 
been most distinguished and influential.^ 

1 An extended ,s[enealogy of the Esq., of Charleston, S. C, will be 

Elliots and Elliotts of South Carolina found in the New England Historical 

and Georgia, communicated to the and Genealogical Register for January, 

writer of this note by Langdon Cheves, 1890. — H. 



Appendix. 34 1 



No. 4. Page 135. 

THE KING'S LETTER TO MASSACHUSETTS, ANNOUNCING 
WAR WITH THE UNITED PROVINCES, April 3, 1672.1 

Charles R. 

Trusty and Wellbeloved, Wee greet you well. 

Having found Our selfe obliged for the iust vindication of the 
antient & undoubted Rights of Our Crowne, and for reparation as 
well of the many affronts & indignities done to Our Royall Person 
& Dignity, as of the frequent wrongs and iniuries done to Our Sub- 
jects by the States Generall of the United Provinces, to declare warr 
against them, Wee have thought good hereby to give you Knowl- 
edge thereof, willing you forthwith upon receipt hereof in the usual 
manner to cause the said warr to bee proclaimed within that Our 
Colony according to Our Declaration (Coppies of which Wee have 
directed to bee herewith sent you), and that att the same time you 
cause seizure to bee made of all Shipps-goods & Marchandises be- 
longing to the said States Generall, or their Subjects. And be- 
cause Wee have reason to beleeve from the constant evill mind they 
have always been known to bear to Our Foreigne Colonies & Plan- 
tations, and having Hkewise understood that a considerable number 
of private men of warr are preparing in Holland & Zealand to bee 
forthwith sent into the West Indges to infest & annoy our Plan- 
tations there. Wee have thought fitt of Our Princely care & regard 
to the safety of those remote parts of Our Dominions, and for the 
securing Our good Subjects inhabiting there, or trading thither, to 
recommend it to you, as Wee do by these very particularly, forth- 

1 Mass. Archives, ccxli. 263, 264. 



342 Appendix. 

with to apply your selves jointly to consider of the condition there- 
of, and by all the speediest & most effectuall means you can, early 
to provide for its safety & defense, and for the protection and secur- 
ity of such Shipps & Vessells as shall bee from time to time rideing 
in the Roads & Harbo''s there from the assaults & attempts of the 
Dutch. And particularly Wee think fitt to repeat Our former 
orders to you, That all such Shipps which shall come thence bee 
enioined to saile in considerable numbers, for their common secur- 
ity, and that then and ever during their stay there, it will bee fitt, 
some of the most experienced Officers have authority given them to 
command the rest. Wee have thought fitt hereby to authorize & 
empower you to do therein what according to this or any other 
emergencies shall appear to be most for the safety of Our Colony & 
Navigation of Our Marchants ; and further, that in all other matters 
relating to the Jurisdiction of Our most Dear Brother, the Duke of 
York, Our High Admirall, &c., you observe such orders and direc- 
tions as you shall from time to time receive from him, whom Wee 
have commissionated to grant letters of Marque & generall Repri- 
salls against the Shipps, goods and Subjects of the States of the 
United Provinces : conformable to which Our Will & Pleasure is, 
that you take & seize the Shipps, Vessells, & goods belonging to the 
said States or any of their Subjects or Inhabitants within any their 
Territories, and to bring the same to Judgment and condemnation 
according to the course of Admiralty & laws of Nations. And 
these Our letters that you communicate to the rest of our Colonies 
your Neighbo''s ; Our Pleasure being that with all care and appli- 
cation possible they arme themselves against the dangers which 
threaten them in this coniuncture from such an Enemy, and pro- 
ceed according to these Our directions, and such as they shall 
receive from Our said Dear Brother, assuring them and all Our 
loving Subjects in those parts that Wee shall not bee wanting on 
Our part on all occasions to helpe and succor them to the utmost 
of Our power, and to contribute all possible means for the security 
and improvement of the trade and Commerce. And so Wee bid 



Appendix, 343 

you farewell. Given att Our Court att Whitehall, the 3^^ day of 
Aprill, in the 24*'' year of Our Reigne. 

By His Maj"^^ Command. Arlington. 

These, for Our trusty & Wellbeloved the GovernL & Council for 
Our Colony of the Massachusetts, To bee communicated to the 
other Colonies. 



No. 5. Page 137. 

ACTION OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL ON RECEIPT 

OF THE KING'S LETTER IN REGARD TO 

THE DUTCH FLEET.i 

Att A meeting of the Gourn'' & Council in Boston, 31'^ July, 
1673, upon Information of a Considerable fleet of Dutch Infesting 
the Coasts of Virginia, It is Ordered that all masters and Com- 
pany= of vessells, whither ketches, shallop^ or other Coasting boates, 
that rainge these Coasts & doe belong to this Jurisdiction, doe after 
publication hereof endeavou"" to make a true discovery, & forthwith 
give notice unto the Govern"" or any magistrate, or others in Au- 
thority of the approach of any fleet of shipps being fower in number 
or upwards; for which their care & timely intelligence givin, the 
Council will Order a meet recompense to be Given to them for that 
service. 

By the Councill. 

Edward Rawson, Secrefy. 

It is Furthe^ ordered that the Constables in the Port tounes doe 
Commicat this Order unto the mast^''s of the Severall vessells be- 
longing to or Coming into such Ports, and Give them Expresse 
order to be vigilant & circumspect in the prosecution thereof from 
time to time until the Council shall take further Order, 
By the Council. 

Edw. Rawson, Secrefy. 

^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 6, 7, 8. 



344 Appendix. 

It is ordered that Cap' James Oliver of Boston do take special 
care that there be some meet person or persons appointed to look 
out by day & night upon Point Allerton, to descry the approach 
of any fleet of ships, and upon discouery of four or more to fier a 
beacon, the w*=** he shall ord"" to be erected on the highest part of 
y^ said Point, as also on Long Island, soe that it may be scene at 
Castle Island by the Coiuand'' in cheife, who is to act accordingly, 
& the charges thereof the Treas'^ is hereby ordered to sattisfie. 

E. R., 5. 

It is ordered that y^ Secretary issue out speedy warrants accord- 
ing to these orders to the seuerall Constables, requiring all the 
Inhabitants to yeild due & speedy assistance, & to the parties 
concerned. 

At the opening df the Council the Gouern^ declaring wh' Infor- 
mation he had recieued from Nathaniel Walker & William Masters ^ 
lately arrived here from Virginia, that seuenteen Dutchmen of war 
being there, & had engagement w*'^ two of his Majesty's friggots 
& seuerall other English Shipps & vessells there in the road, who 
fierd and burnt sixe of the English & took sixe more. What 
further their intents are or may be towards the Country not fully 
understood. The Gouern^ & Council Assembled judged it an 
Incumbent duty on them to improue all opportunity and meanes 
that God hath put into their hands for the safety and welfare of his 
Majesty's interests in these partes ; in order whereunto 

It is ordered that all masters of ketches & other vessells, shallops 
Cruising to and againe [going ?] between the Capes, Cape Ann & 
Cape Cod, on their fishing & other occasions, take notice that they 
& euery are hereby required in his Majesty's name to make dilligent 
& exact discouery of the Dutch Cap[tai]n[s] or other vessells, which 
they shall see to be in Company aboue the number of three on 
any part of our Coasts, and of their number of men & intents 
what they can, and to speed such intelligence so obtained to the 

^ The last two words may be Williams, masters. — H. 



Appendix. 345 

first Magistrate, Gouern'' or Assistant in the nearest port, that 
so all due further meanes may be used for the preservation of 
the Country. 

To the Constable or Constables of Boston or either of them. 
These require you & every of you in his majestyes name to take 
speciall notice of the Orders of the Council above written, and that 
you & every of you forthwith put forth yo*" utmost dilligence effec- 
tually to Accomplish the same in all respects, as you will answer 
the Contrary at yo"" utmost perrill. Dated in Boston this first of 

August, 1673. 

By order of y^ Council, 

Edw. Rawson, Secrefy. 



No. 6. Page 141. 

LETTERS OF COUNT FRONTENAC. 

Count Frontenac to M. Colbert} 

Memoire de M. le Comte de Frontenac au Ministre. 

A Quebec, le 14 Novembre, 1674. 

Quoyque je suis desespoir de n'avoir qu'a vous mander des nou- 
velles aggreables, je ne puis m'empescher de vous donner avis du 
malheur arrive a M. de Chambly, de sa blessure, de sa prison et de 
la prise de Pentagouet avec celle de Gemisic dans la Riviere S- Jean 
et du SI de Marson, qui y commandoit. 

Ce que j'en sgay par une lettre que le dit S- de Chambly m'a 
escrit, est que le 10 Aoust, il fust attaque par une bastiment de 
Boucaniers qui venoient de S- Domingue, et qui avoient passe ^ 
Baston, dans lequel il y avoit cent dix hommes, qu'apres avoir mis 
pied a terre, soustenu pendant une heure leur attaque. II revolt un 

^ Paris Documents, Mass. Archives, ii. 287-289. 
44 



346 Appendix. 

coup de mousquet au travers du corps, que le mist hors de combat, 
et qu'aussy tost son Enseigne et le reste de sa garnison qui n'estoit 
composee avec les habitans que de trente hommes, mal intentionnez 
et mal armez, se rendisent a discretion. Que ces forbans ont pille 
le Fort, emporte tout le canon, et qu'ils devoient mener le dit S- de 
Chambly a Baston avec le dit S- de Marson, qu'ils envoyerent prendre 
dans la Riviere St. Jean par une detachment qu'ils firent, et I'ayant 
mis a rangon, et luy voulant faire payer mille castors. 

Comme je n'ay regeu cette nouvelle qu'apres le fin de Septembre, 
par des Sauvages que le dit Sieur de Chambly m'a envoyee son en- 
seigne, pour me conjurer de donner ordre a sa rangon, et que ne 
restant plus qu'un mois de navigation, j'estois dans I'impuissance de 
pouvoir envoyer a I'Acadie du secours, quand mesme j'aurois eu les 
choses necessaires pour cela, je ne suis contente d'envoyer quelques 
gens avec canots pour essaier d'avoir de nouvelles de I'estat ou il 
aurent laisse le Fort, et s'il n'aurent rien entrepris contre Port 
Royal, de leur ordonner de remener la damoiselle de Marson et 
ceulx qui sont restez dans la Riviere St Jean, et d'envoyer a un 
correspondant que le S- Formont m'a donne a Baston, les lettres de 
change pour la rangon de M. de Chambly, que je me suis oblige de 
faire acquitter par mon marchand a la Rochelle, ne croyant pas 
qu'il fust de la gloire du Roy, pour laquelle je sacrifiray toujours 
le peu que j'aurai de biens, de laisser a la vue de nos voisins un 
Gouverneur entre le mans des Pirates, qui I'auroient amen6 avec 
eulx, on peut estre assome, outre que ce pauvre Gentilhomme est 
assurement, par son merite et ses longs services, digne d'une 
meileure destin^e. 

J'ay aussy escrit au Gouverneur de Baston une lettre dont je vous 
envoye la copie pour laquelle je luy tesmoigne I'estonnement ou je 
suis de voir que n'y ayant point de rupture entre sa Majeste et le Roy 
d'Angleterre, il donne retraite a des forbans qu'ils nous ont faict un 
pareille insulte et que pour moy je croyois manquer aux ordres que 
j'ay d'entretenir avec eulx une bonne correspondance si j'en usois de 
la sorte. 



Appendix. 347 

Je suis persuade que ceulx de Baston se sont servis de ces gens la 
pour nous cette avanie, leur ayant mesme donne un Pilote Anglois 
pour les conduire, supportant impatienment nostra voisinage et la 
contraintre que cela leur donne pour leurs pesches, et pour leur 
traitte. 

Je ne sais sy ceulx que j'ay envoyez pourront estre de retour avant 
le depart des vaisseaux, et si je pourray vous mander d'aultre nou- 
velles plus escris presentement, et sur ce que M. de Chambly vous 
mandera infailliblement par la premiere voye qu'ii trouvera vous 
pourriez voir les ordres que vous a donner pour la seurete de I'Acadie, 
et ce que vous voulez que je fasse puisque vous sgavez bien que je 
suis dans I'impuissance d'y pouvoir manquant de toutes choses, et 
que vous me deffendez tres expressement de faire aulcune depense 
extraordinaire, ce que j'observeray avec la derniere exactitude. 

II est k propos, je croy, que je finisse cette lettre qui vous doibt 
ennuyer il y a desja longtemps, et que j'y ajouste seulement les 
protestations que je vous faicts d'estre, jusqu'au dernier soupir de 
ma vie. 

Monseigneur, 
Vostre tres humble, tres obeissant, et tres oblig6 serviteur, 

Frontenac. 

Count Frontenac' s Letter of Safe-Conduct to M. Normanville} 

The Earle of Frontenac; Counseller of the King In his Counsels, 
gouernor & generall Lieftenant for his majesty In Canada, Acadie, 
Isles of newfoundland, and others places of the Northerne french. 

To all Lieftenant-generalls, gouernors of Principaltyes ; mayors. 
Consults, Sherifs, Judges & officers of Cittyes, Cap-' of bridges, & 
Customes, places, passages & Straigh's, Greeting: haueing Coiiianded 
m' Normanville to goe speedilly to Boston for the express affaires of 
his majesty & our, wee doe Injoine to all upon whom our authoritty 
is, & Intreate all others to lett him freely & safly pass with one of 

^ Mass. Archives, ii. 515. The original is missing. -- H. 



348 Appendix. 

our Line gard their men, Canoes, & Equipage ; without any trouble 

or hinderence both in goeing, staying, & Returning, Butt Rather to 

giue them all helpe & fauor In what they shall haue need, tendreing 

for the licke Case to Doe the same. In witnesse whereof wee haue 

signed these presents, to which wee haue sett our seale & vnder- 

written by one of our secretairyes. giuen In Quebec the 24"' of 

May, 1675. 

Frontenac, 

By my Lord, vahassem.^ 



Letter of Count Frontenac to the Magistrates at Boston?' 

A Quebec, ce 25 May, 1675. 

Messieurs, — Si tost que j'eiis appris I'lnsulte qu'on avoit fait au 
S' de Chambly, Gouverneur de I'Acadie, et qu'apres la prise du fort 
de Pentagoiiet on I'avoit conduit prisonnier a Baston. Je vous depe- 
chay par deux dififerents endroicts pour vous temoigner la surprize 
ou j'etois que nonobstant la bonne correspondance dans laquelle le 
Roy mon maistre m'a commande de vivre avec vous et les ordres que 
vous avez du re^evoir du Roy d'Angleterre sur le meme sujet, de 
forbans et gens sans aveu eiissent trouve une retraite dans vostre 
ville;^ et pour vous conjurer aussi en mesme temps de procurer 

1 It is impossible to determine what Memoir above referred to. A translation 
was the oric-inal name which the trans- of the passage, beginning with the words 
lator in 1675 transformed into t/rt//ajjm. "Je luy tesmoigne" (p. 346), is as fol- 
It may have been S' Luisson. — H. lows : " I expressed to him my astonish- 

2 Mass Archives, ii. 517. ment at seeing that, while peace exists 
8 It has been seen that Frontenac, between his Majesty and the King of 

in his Memoir, dated Nov. 14, 16741 to England, he gives shelter to pirates 

the minister. M. Colbert, after giving an and ruffians without a commission, after 

account of the capture of Pentagoiiet, they had so grievously insulted us ; and 

and the captivityofM.de Chambly and that, for my own part, I should deem 

the Sieur de Marson. goes on to say myself delinquent m respect to the 

that he had written to the "Governor of orders I had received, to cultivate a 

Boston " a letter, of which he encloses good understanding with them, it 1 had 

a copy. This letter is not now in the behaved toward them in like manner. 

Archives of Massachusetts, nor have we He repeats this language, in part, in the 

any copy of it. But we may gather the foregoing letter to the magistrates at 

substance of it from a passage in the Boston. — H. 



Appendix. 349 

aupres deux la liberty du dit Sieur de Chambly ayant mis entre les 
mains de ces memes personnes par qui je vous ecrivois des lettres de 
Change pour payer la Ran^on dont il estoit convenu avec eux. 
Cependant quoique je leur eusse ordonne devenir me retrouver sur 
les neiges avec toute la diligence possible je vois I'hiver pass6 et la 
saison fort avancee sans que j'aye eue de leurs nouvelles ny que j'aye 
pu apprendre ce que le S- de Chambly est devenu. 

C'est ce qui m'oblige Messieurs a vous depescher pour la trois fois 
le Sr de Normanville accompagne d'un de mes gardes pour vous 
reiterer la mesme priere et vous supplier de lever tous les obstacles 
qui regarderont la liberie tant du S' de Chambly que des autres 
personnes qui sont avec luy. Si par hazard ils estoient encore pri- 
sonniers. J'ay meme este bien ayse que cela m'ait fourny une occa- 
sion de vous donner de nouvelles assurances de la bonne union & 
intelligence que je desire entretenir avec vous dans I'esperance que 
j'ay que vous y correspondrez avec autant de franchise que vous me 
I'avez assure par vos lettres. 

Prenez done s'il vous plaist une entiere croyance en tout ce que 
le S- de Normanville vous dira de ma part et me croyez tres 
veritablement, 

Messieurs, 

Votre tres humble & tres obeissant Serviteur, 

Frontenac. 



No. 7. Page 145. 
COMPLAINT OF JOHN FREAKE.» 

To the Hon""' Gouerno' & the Rest of the Hon''^ Magistrates 
Setting in Councill at Boston, Feb. 15, 1674-5. Amen. 

The Complaint of John Freake of Boston humbly sheweth, That 
whereas yo Complainant had a Small Vessell under the comand of 
George Manning bound home on her voyage from the Eastward was 

^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 66. 



350 Appendix. 

by accident met with all in the River of St. John by John Roades 
& some Dutchmen his complices in a small vessell Sometime in 
the Month of December last past ; who overpowering of them with 
men pyratically seized my said Vessell & goods on board her, & 
haue wounded the Master of her & another of his Company, & 
doe still keepe both vessell, goods, & men, as by a letter from the 
Master given in to yo' Hono"" 

My humble Request therefore to yo' Hono'^ is that you would be 
pleased to take some speedy Order for the Seizing of the said 
Roades & his Complices by Commissioning some meete persons 
whom yo' Hono" shall think fit with such aide as may be requisite 
to go out in a small vessell & range along the said Coast, & to seize 
& secure the said Roades & all his Complices, & to bring them to 
Boston for due tryal, being out upon a pyraticall Account, & having 
Seized severall of the goods of the Inhabitants of this Jurisdiction 
besides yo' Complainants, & it 's very probable will doe much more 
mischief, without yo' Hono" in yo"" Wisdoms finde some speedy 
Course to prevent the same. Submitting myselfe to yo' Hone" 
Wisdom & dispose therein, I subscribe 

Yo' Hono" Most humble Servant, 

Jno. Freake. 



No. 8. Page 146. 

ORDER OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL TO STOP ALL 
VESSELS GOING EASTWARD FROM BOSTON.! 

Whereas M' Waldern & others not long since complayned to the 
Goun' & Councill Assembled in Boston 29 December last past, and 
M' John Freake of Boston, merchant, complayning to the Honoured 
Goun' & Councill of y'' peratical actions of one Jn" Roades & others, 
Inhabitants of y'' Colony joyning w"' some Dutch & other nations 

! Mass. Archives, Ixi. 67. 



Appendix, 35 1 

in seizing of seuerall of o' vessells, spoiling them both of their vessells 
& goods to their great losse & damage, and hailing lately taken y* 
ketch of y° said Jn° Freake, wounding of y" Master of his said ketch, 
George Manning, & some other, w"' seuerall their acts of Piracy on 
y*" seas upon seuerall Inhabitants of y*" place their lawfull negotia- 
tions, in all which the Council judgeth it meet to order a coiuission 
be granted to A. B. C. for y*" Apprehending & seizing of y*" said 
Jn° Roades & his Company in order to his & their tryall before any 
Court of y" jurisdiction that hath cognizance of such cases, and that 
he & they so Apprehended & seized be brought before y*" Goiin'' & 
other Authority of the Colony to be secured in order to his & their 
tryall ; that so y" said Freake and such others as have suffered may 
be in a way to get their satisfaction & reparation for such their losses, 
and that y" trade of this country be y' better secured & damage 
prevented. Past by y"' Councill this 15"' Feb. ?874. 

E. R[awson, Secretary]. 

Cap' Samuel Mosely being proposed to y" Councill by M' Jn" 
Freake as y" Commander of ye design, the Goun' & Councill approve 
thereof. — E. R., 5. 

Also y"-" Councill ordered that the vessells stopd by y" Goiin' on y^ 
Saturday last, y^ Councill ordered y' all vessells going or to go forth 
into those parts till y" said Capt Samuel Mosely be gone, till y^ 
Goiin' give further order & that y^ secretary issue out warrants to 
y" seuerall Constables of Boston accordingly. — E. R., 5. 

Instruciiojts for Cap' Samuel Mosely} 

1. That you looke to yo' Company y' they keepe Good orde' aboard 
y'' vessell and abroad : 

2. that you suffer no Injury to be done to any of His Majesties 
subjects in these pts or any in Freindship w"" his majty their Goods 
or Estates by Sea or land, 

^ Mass. Archives, Ixi. 68. 



352 Appendix. 

3. that you Labour w"" all your Care & skill to seaze & surprize y^ 
said Roades & his Company w"'out blood if it may be : & to secure 
them & bring them forthwith to Boston in order to their tryall. 

past by y^ Councill, 
15 Febr. 1674- E. R., 5. 

To y^ Constables of Boston. 

You & euery of you by virtue of an ord' of the Goiin' & Councill 
[are] hereby Required in his Majesty's name forthwith to make stop 
of all such ships or other vessells thiat are now in the Harbour bound 
out to the Eastward till Cap' Samuell Mosely begon forth ; and untill 
further Order be Given by y" Honoured Goiin' hereof you & they 
are not to fail at yo' & their perill, 

p' Edward Rawson, Secretary, 

By ord' of the Goiin" & Councill. 

Dated in Boston, the 15''' February, 1674 [5]. 



No. 9- Page 146. 
DEPOSITION OF GEORGE MANNING.* 

The Deposition of George Manning, Aged thirty years or there 
Aboutts, Testiffieth 

That Being sent outt By the Latte M' Jo" Freke a traideing voy- 
adge to the Eastward in y'' Shallopp Called the Philipp, Was on the 
Fowerth day of Decemb? last Surprized and taken in Adowake Bay 
to y" Estward of Mount deZart By Cap! Fetter Rodrigoe & Cap? 
John Rodes In Maner as ffollowing : I Being att an Ancor as aboue 
Said, they Came vpon vs w'l' theire Duch Cullers fflyn, and Co- 
manded me a board By Cap! Fetter Rodrigoe, & their vpon I went 
w'!' my boatte on board of their vesell ; and being there hee ordered 
mee to bee their detained, & Went him Selfe, w'l' seuf of his Comp^ 

1 Mass. Archives, Ixi. 117, 118. 



Appendix. 353 

on board of my shallop, & their Opened the hatches & tooke all my 
peltery & Caried itt on board their owne Vesell, and alsoe Seuf 
Other things, and the*! they would haue me Sett my hand to a paiper 
that they had taken nothing Frome me but w': was of the groath of 
that Countrey ; butt knowing of itt to bee Fals, I Refused Soe to doe, 
butt I deseired him to Shovve me his Comition by Vertue of w'.'' hee 
was Soe Impowered to acctt as hee did, vpon w".'' hee said hee would 
goe and Fech itt, and then brought a lardg paiper w'|' Seuer"." sealls, 
an Extract, butt nether Read itt nor would sufer me soe to doe, butt 
only asked mee what I thought of itt ; to w'^^ I Replyed, nott haueing 
opertunity to hearr itt nor to Read itt, I Did not know butt itt might 
bee a Lawfull Comition ; vpon w"^ hee Demanded my Invoice of y"" 
goods I had. I Replyed againe that his people hauing rumedged my 
Chest & Cabin, that some of his Comp';" might haue itt; butt hee asking 
of them they all denied itt, whervpon I went on board to Looke for 
itt, and their found itt, and then being downe in y*" Cabing, James 
Debeck handing on^ of the Small guns that was on the Deck downe, 
before I Receud the Other ther was an vproar amongst them, and they 
presently Fiared in Seu^" Shott vpon vs, by w'^I' I was wounded in my 
hand, and presently Comanded James on board of their vessell and 
much abused him in striking him many blowes, w'':*' I heard, and alsoe 
heard him Crie for god sake to spaire his Life ; after w'l'' y" Cap! 
hauing broake his Cuttles aboutt James, he presently went aft and 
fetched my Cuttles, & Came Forward to mee saying, wher is this dogg, 
Maning, I must talke w"' him alsoe ; whervpon I beged them to Spaire 
my Life. Sume of them Replyed that if I would Come vpe I should 
haue noe harme ; butt Coming vp by y*" Scuttell I Receud Seuerall 
blows vpon my head, w'.'' soe stuned me that for a good Space of time 
was depriued of my Senses, nott knowing where I was, thought [I had 
been] throwne ouerboard ; and Caried [me] one board of their vessell 
and keept me prisner till the next day, whereupon they Concluded to 
Send me away w''' my Boatt, and hall my vessell ashoer and burne 
here ; I then heareing of theire Sentance, I beged Cap' Rodrigoe 
that I might nott be sent away ; soe Considering the Condition I Was 

45 



354 Appendix. 

in, and y^ time of y* yeare, & wounded as I am, hee Shaking of his 
head replied that hee Could nott doe anything in itt w%ut y^ Con- 
sent of y"" Rest of y*" Compf, wherevpon I Adresed my Selfe to Cap* 
Roedes ; hee then Replyed w'l" an oth, Saying, Dam you ! what doe you 
Come to mee For ? Can I Clear you ? then I Adresed my Selfe to Ran- 
dall Jetson, desiering of him y*" Like, hee then w'!' y*" Like others told 
me if I had my desarts should bee turned ashoar vpon an Island and 
there to Eatt the Rootts of the trees, where vpon I desiered that I 
might Rather bee keept as a prisnor amongst them and goe A Long 
w*l' them then to bee done Soe by, w':"" Could nott bee granted. Then 
I desiered that I might bee putt outt of my troubles and End my 
days att y" mast ; they then hering of What I Said Withdrew them 
Selues, Consulting what they should doe w'!" mee, and hailing Tho: 
Michells Vesell on board of me and take outt all my goods and 
prouision Except a Small Mattf of prouition, pretending itt Was to 
Cary mee home, and gaue mee my Vessell againe, butt by Cap' Roeds 
& Tho: Michells Doengs was Forced to Condesend to goe along w'!' 
them ; & Further Cap* Roads did before my going Frome boston 
thretne John King that if hee went to the Estward w*!" me hee would 
be y" death of him ; & iff itt had nott ben for y^ rest of their Com- 
pany hee had suffered. The nit before I Sailed Frome boston I 
demanded of Cap! Urrin^ iff hee did grant any Comision to Cap? 
Roades or any of y^ Comp^ that went w'!' him For to take any 
Englishmen. I desiered him iff hee did hee must Resolue mee of 
itt ; where vpon hee replyed hee had nott nor would nott grant 
any, and that I had as much liberty to goe, or any one, as they 
had, and Wishing mee a good prosperous voyadge, wherevpon hee 
departed. 

After wee Sett Saille Frome Adowaket to Aplaisse Called muspeka 
Racke, where I Caused ou' boatte to bee histed outt, and went aboard 
of them, and Desiered that they would looke vpon my hand ; Finding 
My Selfe in much paine, I desiering they would Clear me For I was 

^ Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts, commander of the Flying Horse, is probably the 
person referred to. — H. 



Appendix. 355 

afraid of loosing of my hand, and they Replyed itt was a fleshe wond, 
and their was noe fear of y° Cure, Soe would nott lett me goe home, 
butt was forced to goc withem ; and further sayeth nott. taken vpon 
oath in open Court the 17"" of June, 1675. 

As Attests Edward Rawson, Secrefy. 

Georg Mannig on his forme' oath ouned y® testimony on his 
forme' oath to y? trueth as to y' p' of Judgmt. 



17 June, 1675. 



E. R., 5. 



No. 10. Page 147. 

EXAMINATION OF THE PRISONERS CHARGED WITH 

PIRACY.i 

21 Aprill : 1675 : The Examinacon of the severall prison" brought 
in by Cap' Sam" Mosely ^ are as followeth : — 

Jn° Rhodes^ Examined. S"" that hee came now from the Eastward 
w'!" Cap' Mosely : being asked whither hee had any cofnission, hee 
Answered No ; being asked why hee Fought ag' the King's colours, 
hee answered, because that they with Cap' Mosely fought under 
French colours, dutch colours, & English colours, & they thought 
they should haue noe quarter & therefore fought. 

This was ouned to be the trueth by Jn" Rhoades in open Court 25 
May, 1675.— E. R., S. 

Peter Rodriego^ Examined. S'!" that his name is Peter Rodriego, & 
that hee sailed from Boston to Nova Scotia with power from Cap' 
Vrin-Arnelson,^ which power was written at the beare in Boston, & 
that the si' Arnelson put the Scales to it. — S'^ that hee hath taken 
two english vessells, one from George Manning, the other from Wal- 
ton, & that goeing to the Eastward, stopping at Casco, hee was 

1 Mass. Archives, Ixi. 72. * Roderigo. 

2 Mosley is the correct spelling. ^ Jurriaen Aeriiouts. 
8 Rhoade. 



356 Appendix. 

one day asleep in his cabbin, & his men went ashoare & killed 
four Sheep & brought them aboard. Ouned in Court by Peter 
Rodriego, 24 May, 1675, this his confession on examination to be 
the trueth, & in open Court, as Ates's E. R., 5. 

Cornelius Anderson,^ Examined. S'!" that hee came now from round 
pond as neere Muscongus Island, S* that hee hath taken two Eng- 
lish Vessells, one from Waldron, the other from Hilliard. Ouned 
that he had took two vessells vnder his insf .'' but deliuered them 
againe ; only took the peltry from them. — E. R., 5. 

Tho: Mitchell Examined. S'!* that hee lives neere Mauldon, & that 
hee came last from Penequid, & that hee sailed in a vessell part of 
her his own, & that the privateers hee carried with him tooke some 
English Vessells, that hee himselfe was in her, & one Peter Rodriego 
comanded her; but it was against his s^ Mitchell's will they tooke 
the vessells, & that hee eat of the mutton that the company on board 
his vessell tooke away from mr Mountjoy, which were in number 
Four, and that Rodrigo, Grant, Fowler, & Rhodes compelled him to 
pilot the vessell from Johns unto twelve penny harbour, where they 
plundered one Lantrimony & killed his cattle. 

Randolph Judson — Examined. S* that hee came now from 
Matchias with Cap' Mosely, & that hee was one of Cap' Rodrigo's 
company, & was at the taking of George Manning's Vessell, Waldron's 
Vessell, & Hilliard's Vessell, & that they tooke them by virtue of the 
comission given to Peter Rodrigo, & that George Manning was 
wounded in the hand & James Debeck was cut over the arme by 
Cap' Rodrigo. Ouned in Court 17"' June, 1675. — E. R., 5. 

Edward Youring Examined. S"' that hee went out in a vessell with 
Thomas Mitchell upon a trading Voyage to the Eastward, & that 
going along the Shoare Cap' Rodrigo & the Company on board 
theire vessell tooke George Manning's & Waldron's vessells. 

Richard Fowler Examined. S'l' that hee was in company with Peter 
Rodrigo & sundry others when they tooke George Manning's & 
George Walton's vessells & goods, & that hee was on shoare at casco 

1 Cornelis Andreson. 



Appendix. 357 

& Fetcht on board theire vessell some Sheep, from off an Island saide 
to bee m' Mountjoy's, & that Tho: Mitchell sent him on shoare for 
them, Saying there was noebody lookt after them. — y" examination 
was ouned as abuve writt 17"' June, 1675. — E. R., S^ 

Peter Grant Examined. S"" that hee was in company with Peter 
Rodrigo & sundry others when they tooke George Manning's & 
George Walton's vessells & goods by order of theire Cap. Rodrigo, 
& that hee was ashoare at Casco & did help take the Sheep on board 
& Fech't wood to make the Fire to dress them with & eat part of them. 
— Peter Grant ouned the i'' pt of this Confession as to be w"" Cap' 
Peter Rodriego, &c. — E. R., 6". 

John Williams Examined. S'!' that hee is a cornish man, sailed out 
of Jamaica with Cap* Morrice, was taken by the dutch & carried to 
Carrisaw,^ came hither with Cap' Urin-Arnelson, & that hee went 
from Boston in comp^ with Capt Peter Rodrigo & sundry others, & 
was in company & acted with the s^ Rodrigo & the rest in the taking 
of George Manning's Vessell ; but was ashoare at Machias when the 
rest were taken. 

John Tomas Examined. S"" that hee was one of the company that 
sailed with Cap' Peter Rodrigo & sundry others, & was present at 
the taking of George Manning's & George Walton's Vessells. Being 
asked whither hee did not kill a Frenchman, hee denyed it ; confessed 
that hee did shoote at him, but knew not that hee hit him. 

Taken and read to the several persons & ouned by them before us 

John Leverett, Gov. 
Edward Tyng. 

The partyes all ouned in Court their seQll Confessions as aboue 
written, being Read to them in Court of Admiralty .^ 

^ Curagoa. last two sentences and the signatures, 
" The original record of the exami- in the handwriting of Isaac Addington. 
nation of the prisoners, from which the The signatures appear to be auto- 
foregoing paper is copied, is, except the graphs. — H. 



358 Appendix. 



No. II. Page 149. 
INDICTMENT AND SENTENCE OF PETER RODERIGO.i 
Att a Court of Assistants held at Boston y' 24'^ of , ^ p'-^sent 

•' ^ J no. Leueret Esq' | 

may, 1675, & called by y^ Court for tryall of the Goui ( 

SamSymondEsqi \ 

prisoners. dept Go. j 

Peeter Rodriego^ Dutchman being presented & In- symon wTiiard^^ 

dieted by the Grand Jury, was Indicted by the name xho'Danforth Esqr 

of Peeter Rodriego for that he not hauing the feare g^j^^-^'n^'^" 

of God before his eyes, he w'h other his Complices w^ stoughton 

sometimes in the mounth' of November, December, Grand jurymen 

& January last by force of Armes did vpon the ye^c^rt s^swo^rne 

sea"* pyrattically & Felloniously seize & take severall ^^^^'' 

smale English vessells (and theire Companyes) be- !^.^J?°^??,^'■"'^" 

" . ^ i^ J y Richfi Wilhngton 

longing to his Majtys subjects of this Colony & Rich-i Baker 

.... . The. Russell 

made prize 01 theire Goods, & in particular the Jn ■ Long 

barque Phillip & her goods belonging to the late jn^woodmansey 

m' John Freake of Boston, Georg mannig being {SSeSuer 

master then of hir, wounding the said manig & his -I"" Bateman 

^ " Jonas Clarke 

mate contrary to the peace of our Soueraigne Lord Ff^'ing ^oore 

■' ' r /-> Hastings 

the Kins his Croune & dignity, the lawes of God & Jn^ Bowies 

,-,.,.,.. .T, , T 1- . , . • Tho.Weld 

of this Jurisdiction. To wch Indictm' y^ prisoner at 

the barr pleaded not Guilty, put himself on triall by lenJeT"thfjuryof 

God & the Country, saying he had no exception ag' ^^^''^l^n checkiy 

any of y*" Jury : the Case proceeded, and after the i"^^^^^. 

Indictment & euidences in the case were Read, Coiii- Benj Moore 

_ ^n , 1 T-> 1 r Benj Gillam 

itted to the Jury & are on file w*h the Reccords ot Samuel Coffe 

this Court the Jury brought in the virdict ; they found tho.' Fanfg""^"^ 

him Guilty according to the aboue written Indict- 7no°Stonf "^' 

ment, and Accordingly had sentenc of death pro- oaniefBf^wer 
nounc' ag' him by y^ Court to be Carryed from hence 

* Records of the Court of Assistants, in the records. Roderigo is the correct 
2 This name also is variously spelled spelling. — M. 



Appendix. 359 

to the place from whence he came, & thence to the 
place of Execution, & there to hang till he be dead, 
and on his peticon the Court Gaue him opp'tunity to 
peticon the Geiill Court for his life. 

INDICTMENT AND SENTENCE OF JOHN RHOADE.i 
Att A Court of Assistants on Adjournment held at , present 

•* J no Leueret Esq' | 

Boston 17"' June, 1675, Jn° Roads was brought to the Gour | 

,,. ... , TT 11 1 Sam Symonds ( 

barr & holding vp his hand was Indicted by the Esq^deptGorj 

name of John Roads late of Boston, for that he not D^nid Gooktn ^^'^ 

having the feare of God before his eyes, he w'h others gf^'J^ wiiiard 

his Complices sometimes in the months of November, £j^^^''J^"f ^'1 

^ Tho. Danforth 

December, & January last, past did by force of Armes Edw^ xyng 

■r. • 11 o T^ 11 • 1 • o 1 W'>' Stoughton 

vpon the seas Pyrattically & relloniously seize & take Thomas ciaike 
seuerall smale English vessells & theire Companyes jno Roads ob- 
belonging to his Maj'^ subjects of this Colony, and fn?'^ checkiy™ 
made prize of their Goods, & in particcular the barque ^enja Giiiam was 

_^ _ ^ ^ Foreman m the rest. 

Phillip & her Goods belonging to the late m' John Jurymen impaneid 

.^ _. n/r--i- 1 ^ Svvome were for 

rreake 01 Boston, George Mannig being then master ye Xriaii of these. 
of hir, wounding the said Mannig & his mate Con- jnoBirT^ ' ^"^ 
trary to the peace of our Soueraigne Lord the King w"\vhitweii 
his Croune & dignity, the lawes of God & of this R'ch^^ Knight 

° ■' _ Sam Gofte 

Jurisdiccon, to wch he pleaded not Guilty, put him- Tho. Longhorne 
self on God & the Country for his triall. After y'' In- Daniel Brewer 
dictment & evidences produced ag' him were read, jno swe^tt '^°° 
Comitted to the Jury & are on file w'h the Reccords of J"° D^^^nport 
y*" Court, the Jury brought in their virdict; they 
found him Guilty according to Indictment, and ac- 
cordingly y" next day had sentenc of Death pro- 
nount ag' him : y' he should Goe from the barr to 
y^ place from whenc he Came, & thence to the place 
of executione where hang till he be dead. 

^ Records of the Court of Assistants. 



360 Appendix. 



No. 12. Page 151. 

THE DEFENCE OF RODERIGO, ANDRESON, AND OTHERS 
CHARGED WITH PIRACY. 

CapV Pette^ Rodrigo, & Cap" Cornelius Andreson, and theire 
Asociates, officers & Souldiers belonging to the Prince of Orrange, 
& as his Subiects Inhabytants In his highneses Terrytories in New 
Holland, Allias Nova Scotia, And now Prisono'.' in the jurrishdiction 
of the Massathusetts Collony, in New England, etc. Thier Plea 
And Answare for theire Defence against what they stand Charged 
With and Impeached of as Pirates For Acting Pirazie on Sev- 
erall vessells belonging to the inhabytants of the aforesaid 
Jurishdiction : 

May it Please yo' Honno7 The Honno''!^ Bench : To take notis 
that wee thankefully acknoledg the Hon''.''' Benches Fauou' in a 
Redy Answareing ou' Petition by vouchsafeing vs to Express our 
Broaken English by way of Decleration, And that wee might not 
be to Copiuous therein, shall in shortt p'sent this Hono^i" Court as 
a direct Answare to the Tenor of our jnditement as wee stand Im- 
peached of Pirazie, or being Pirates, we doe Say that wee are not 
Guiltye, neither in Act nor yet intent, neither are wee Contieous to 
ou' Selues of anny thing that wee have Done, that is either a 
breach of anny knowne Law, or may So much as tend either by ou' 
words or acts jniureous to the Libertyes or Genurall Priveleadges 
of this yof jurishdiction or Coiiion Wealth ; but if anny of yo' 
inhabytants haue Sustayned Loss by vs they haue benne only 
ptickeler psons Private Intrests occationed by them Selues (or 
there owne Seekeing) and not ours, in theire Presumeing To In- 
treanch vppon our Great Princes Rights and Priveledges Gained 
him From His Declared Enemies by the Blood & Swoards of his 
Leige Subiects, amongst whome wee are nombread. Yett notwith- 
standing had anny of those yo' Inhabytants Found themselues 
Agreeued, there was a more regular way for theire Releefe w"'' they 



Appendix. 361 

might haue had : Naimely, that vppon Makeing theire Complaynt 
to this Authoritie, We should vppon the Least Summons from the 
Cheife Authoritye of this Place, in honno' to our Prince, and vinde- 
cation of our Selues, So farr Honnored them (being Desireous of 
a Continewed amecable vnitye & Commerce of Trayd as Naighbores, 
and being Subiects to Such Great Princes in Loue, pease, And 
ametye with each other) as forthwith to a dispatched a shallop 
away with not only one to Give acc°" of our actions, but with 
Soffitient Effects to a Answared anny Civell action in yo' Law ; 
and then if by Law wee Could not a warranted our Actions we 
ware Redy to giue and make the iniuried psons Sattisfaction, w^-"* in 
our Aprehentions would A benn farr better then Such Indirect 
And hosteele proseeding against vs, that Except by the wisdom of 
yO: Authority be not tymely Pevented, will inevetably invoulue the 
Subiects of a Potent ' Prince, and yo' Coiiionwealth whare euer 
they meete in such Brieles & Discontents (w'''' yet by a Preu- 
dentiall Care may be Prevented, but if not) as will hardly Bee 
Determaned without a Declaritiue warr from ou Great-masters, 
Which God Forbids that anny of our Blood Should be shead to be 
omynus as bespeak So Sad a Conclution : for as its ile medling with 
edg tooles so its as ile intermedleing to vsurp Princes Prerogatiues 
& Priveledges. . . . 

I'' Therefore with Leaue may it please the Honor^''/^ Court to 
take Cognizence that wee are parsons whome by our Aleigance are 
Swoarne Subiects to the Great Prince of Orrange his heires And 
Sucsesers, and as Such ware the Last yeare vndo- the Coiiiand of 
Cap? Vrine Arnhoutson, Comando' of the Flying horse Frigott, 
whome Receued from the Renouned Governo' our Princes Repre- 
sentatiue at Carrysaw in the west-indias a Generall Comition in 
our Princes naime, in Genarall tearmes Comprehending to take 
Plundo' Spoyle and Poses anny of the Garrisons, Townes, terrytories, 
Priveleadges, Shipps, Persons, or Estates belonging to anny of his 
highneses Enemies that are at varyence and in acts of Hostilitye 
against his highnes & the Great states of Holland. And accompt 

46 



362 Appendix. 

thereof to take, and the Tenths thereof Secure all Princely Preroga- 
tiues indeauou' to mayntayne for the Honno' of our Prince accord- 
ing to our Powre and Alleagence jn psueance of w''*' Coiiiition 
our Frigatt Arriued at New Yoarke, Dureing w^.'' tyme of our abode 
theire to recruit with Vituall, Cap- John Roades Came to vs from 
Boston, who Gaue ou' Comando' Such a Satisfactory accompt of 
his aquaintence on the Coasts of Nova Scotia and occada, and Ras- 
inall Probabilities of makeing ou'selues Masters thereof to ad to or 
inlardg our Great Princes terrytories, it being then Mantayned and 
Possesed by the French, our Masters Implacable and Declared 
Enemies in open hostillitye, wee did with a vnanimus Consent all 
conclude to dispatch the Designe as an Honnor^^'^ Expedition, to 
w- end ingaged Cap" John Roades as our Pilott, haueing Swoarn 
him to aleagence To our Prince, the Prince of Orrange our master, 
and then admited him one of vs our Princes Leige Subiects, whare 
in Due tyme wee Arrived on the Coast of Nova Scotia and Landed 
at Penobscott, the Enemies Princeple Garrison, the w''*' in storming, 
after a shortt Dispute, by Gods Blessing quickly made our Selues 
Masters thereof ; but haueing not Sofitient Strength to Leaue to 
Garrison the Place, wee demolished the Fort and fired Sume of the 
houses of the French, bringing away the Artillerye & Plundo'. And 
after we had made oure Selues masters also of S- Johns, Mathyas, 
and Gamshake,^ & Severall other Places of Fortification And trayding 
houses of the French and Brought away the Plundo- and Princeple 
Persons Prisono", wee did not only Burrye in two Glass Botles at 
Penobscott & S! Johns vnde' Ground A tru Copia of our Cap" Coiii- 
ition, and a Breviate of the Manno' of takeing the Said Places by 
the Swoards of the Prince of orringe Subiects for his hignes 
vse, but also Left both att Penobscot and gamshake sume men of 
the poorer soart of oure Cap"'."^' the formor Inhabytance, whome 
had Submited to be subiects to our Prince, to whome wee gaue 
libertye to trayd and order^ to keepe Possion for his highnes till 
farther ordo' or Sum of vs Retorned theither. Wee then Coming a 

^ Gemesic or Gemsic. — H. 



i 



Appendix. 363 

way in ou' Frigott to Boston, whare after your Authorytie was 
aquainted with our Coiiiiision and Enterprizes, w''.'' was So farr Satis- 
factory to them as manufasted theire Aprobation theireof by Admit- 
ing vs to Dispose & share ou- Plundo' & sell our Marchandize & 
Plundo*" to the Inhabytants heere, yea ou^ Cannon or Great Gunns 
being Bought for the Safegaurd & vse of this very Colloiiy whare our 
Cap^. was Adresed to by Severall trayders to the East-ward belong- 
ing to this Jurrishdiction, to grant them Libertye to trayd in those 
his higneses the Princes of Orranges psinctes taken by vs, but by 
our Coinando': in Cheife was Reffused, whome Replyed to them that 
if there was anny Priveleadg of trayd to be had it did j)perly belong 
to his men, who had with him ventered theire Lines with the Loss of 
there blood for it. And therefore all Such psons vppon the Perrell 
of there being made Prize on was by him forbid Comeing to trayd 
on those Coasts, witHin our Masters psinctes, &c. Yett not with- 
standing did sum of these psons in Contempt intrench on our Prive- 
ledges as is heere after Expresed. For after our Frigott was Gon 
From Boston, and the Cheife Comandor had Given Cap" Petter 
Rodrigo & Cap" Cornelius Andreson, with 8 more of there Consearts, 
an ordo"' to Retorne to new holland. Alias novascotia & occada, our 
Princes Lands (w*"'' after wee had Gained it by the Swoard Called it 
as afforesaid, new holland), and orders from him theire to trayd, 
keepe posesion, & in what vs Lay mantayne our Princes Prerogatiues 
theire till farther Ordor, either from our Masters in holland or him- 
selfe, Wee then did with the Assistence of sume Creditt in Boston 
fitt a Cople of smale vessells out & went to new holland. Alias 
Nov^ Scoti^ whare as we ware on our Coasts. 

The First English we mett with theire was one billiard, of Sallem, 
whome finding him trayding on ou' Coast Comanded him aboard, 
whome jmediatly Submiting and Complayning of his bad voyage. 
And that he was ignorant of our being theire, we Retorned him not 
only his vessell and Goods againe, but also all there Peltry. And 
after we had Bought Sume nesesaryes of them. Paying them theire 
Price for the Same, wee dismissed them with an Admonition And 



364 Appendix. 

warning to Com no more on there Perrell to trayd theire within 
those our Masters persinctes. 

The Second English vessell wee tooke was William Waldron, 
whome we had forwarned Severall tymes not to p''sume to Coin to 
take away our Priveledges of trayd on therre Perall of being made 
Prize on by vs ; yet in verry Contempt, as wee may say, he Came to 
take our trayd from vs, whom when wee found him that he had ben 
trayding with the jndians and was vppon our owne Coasts, wee tooke 
him and made Prize of ownly his Peltry, And after A Civell treating 
them, Dismised them with is vessell and other Goods. 

The Third English vessell we tooke was Georg Mailing, whome 
was forewarned, both by our Coinandor of our Frigott & our Selues 
at Boston, that if Came to trayd theire in ou' Princes Persinctes wee 
would make Prize of him ; but now finding of them that he had ben 
trayding, wee Comanded him aboard And demanded of him weather 
he had Anny ordo' from the Honno'''" Governo' or Authoritye of this 
Place to Coiil and trayde theire or Anny Lett Pass from anny 
Authoritye of this Jurishdiction, he tould vs no ; so then finding his 
Peltry aboard him wee only tooke that from him, and Civerly treat- 
ing him, we tendread him also a Pass to Goe free from being againe 
Examined by our other Consoarts, and also A Letter to m' John 
Freake his Marchan' that wee would Secure his Peltrye by it Selfe 
& Send it to Boston (with others) in the Spring. And if we did 
not then and there Cleare to be a Leagall Prize would Retorn it to 
his Imployer againe, and in the mean tyme haue a faire Corry 
Spondengsye with them ; to which End the Said Mailing went 
aboard his owne vessell And theire invited Cap" Rodrigo aboard, 
whom (after that Civell vsedg) he had Privately designed to murdor, 
haueing prepared a Pistell Charged with a Brace of Bullotts vndo' his 
Pillow, And whilst he was a drinkeing in his Cookeroome to a Pis- 
tolled him, Butt was discovered by the boye aquainting Cap" Rodrigo 
to Looke to him Selfe, informing of his masters designe, w'^'' Caused 
the Said Rodrigo forth with to Coiri out vppon the Deck, and rann 
to the Cabbin of Georg Mailing according to the boyse information, 



Appendix. 365 

And found the Pistol! theire Loaden as aforesaid, whome after he 
had in few words sharply Reproued Georg Mailing for his treach- 
erous and Murdorous designe, Cald for his owne Boat and Goes 
aboard his owne vessell, whare had not ben Long, but vnexspectedly 
Geo. Mailing, haueing had all his Gunns and Blunderbuss Redy on 
his decke, at once Presented his Gunns at vs, Leueling them each 
one at our men vppon our deckes, Desineing at once to Cutt them 
off, and then to Surprize vs and Cutt off the Rest. And whilst they 
ware Thus a Fireing at vs, as God in his mercie and wisdom ordered 
it, there Powde Flashed in there Panns, and there Gunns Did not 
Goe off (to Admiration by w''"' Meanes wee may all thanke God 
theire hath benn no blood shead), the w^'' oure Men Perceueing at 
once Leapt Doune for theire Armes, Cryeing, Cap" shall wee be 
Killed without Fighting for our Lines ; at w"'' word in A Maize 
euery man of vs hasted vpp his Armes and forthwith Gaue them 
Such a charge as Coinanded him aboard vs ; then wee thought that 
wee had Good Reason to Condemne him whollye for a Prize, but 
instead thereof wee only tooke his Goods and Gaue him his vessell 
againe, and would a dismissed ; but he so ernestly beged and Be- 
sought vs that he might stay with vs, and that wee would take his 
vessell and men into our Seruis, at whose solicitation wee hired of 
him his vessell with him selfe & men, and jngaged to Pay him 
Seauen Pounds j> month; it being his first pfer & full demand 
of vs. 

The Fourth and Last English vessell wee tooke was, viz Mair 
Sheapleigh Barque, whome wee Found by Seuerall Papers that they 
had not only trayded for Peltry, but was Coiii with pvition from Port 
Royall to Releue ou' Enemies at Gamshake,w''!' Place had Reuoalted 
From vs, w*"!* actions to vs was Ground Sofitient to make Prize there 
of ; but we only tooke from them y*" quantitie of three Beefes and a 
few Skynes, and after a Civell vseadge of them, Gaue them a dis- 
mission, et'. After w'^'" wee ware betrayed by Georg Mailing to 
Cap" Sam: Mosely, whome at the takeing of vs wee ware at one 
tyme psued And chaced with vessells vndo' both English, French, 



366 Appendix. 

& Dutch Collors, Cap* Sam" Mosely Fighting vs vndo' EngHsh Col- 
lors, And had Putt Both force and men aboard the French, and 
Georg Mailing fireing vppon vs vndo"^ dutch Collors ; w^."" manor of 
disiplyn and actions wee vndo'stand not, And therefore with Sub- 
mision Desiere Cap" Moselyes Coiiiission may be Produced and 
Read to the Honn''''.'^ Bench, that So it may Appeare weather the 
Cuntrey And Authoritye will vindicate not only Such theire actions, 
Butt by Force bringing of vs from out of our Princes Countrye 
Gained him by the Swoards of his Leige Subiects and also his 
Accomadateing of our Princes declared Enemies, with both force, 
men, Amonition, & pvition against vs, and thereby to disposes our 
Great Prince of his Rights, Priveleadges, & Prerogatiues So Honnor- 
ably Gained him. 

Thus may it Please y^ Hon''';''' Bench we haue Given A shoart 
accompt of our Particuler acts and tranceactions as they are in 
truth ; & now with Leaue in the Second place shall shoe by what 
Powre or the Reasons of our thus farr pseedings and wherfore wee 
haue thus Acted as viz": — 

i" Because wee Looke at and beleeue Cap" Vrn Arnhoustons 
Coinissio To be Sofitiently Lawfull and warrantable for the takeing 
the fore Mentioned Places of Nova Scotia, w"" the Priveledges and 
trayd thereof To Ad to his highnes our Masters Terrytories and also 
alike Confirmed Lawfull by this authoretye as by ou'' Second Con- 
seption heereafter Expresed. 

2'^ : A second Reason for ou"" thus acting is Because wee ware 
pswaded and doe judg the ordo' wee had from Cap* vrin Arnhout- 
son, as our then Cheife Cofnando";, had it ben only verbaly, ware 
Equivealent with his Coiliision vnto vs that was Equally Concearned 
in the stormeing & takeing y^ Same, Butt more Espeatially for the 
keepeing Possesion & mantayneing our Princes Prerogatiues & 
Priveleadges w''' wee had for the Honno'' of our Prince before so 
gained by our Swoards with the Loss of our Blood and Perrill of our 
Liues. 

3'^: Because of the Great ^vocations of and Insolencies Coinited 



Appendix. 367 

by the English in theire first abuseing and Plundering ou"" Subiects, 
And Conquered Places before euer wee Assumed to medle with 
anny of yo'' jnhabytants vessels, w^."* is more Fully Explayned heere- 
after in the first & Second Recited iniuryes wee haue Sustayned. 

4^ : we had Sofitient Reason because wee ware not vnsensable 
that verry Places thus for our Prince Gained him by vs hath in all 
Changes of Govermen* ben a Lowed a distincke Priveledg Place of 
Trayd ; and all psones Attempting So to trayd without Licence 
from the then Present ppriato''s to be made Lyable to be made Prize 
on ; & that both vessells and Goods, w''' Propriato''s at p''sent wee 
owne our Selues to bee in the behalfe and for the vse of the Prince 
of Orrange, to whome only we are Legaly accomptable for what we 
haue doune. 

5'^ : Because we ware farther Sensable that the Authoritye of this 
jurrishdiction hath taken Such Cognizence of our Last foregoing 
Reasons as hath made it a Ground to Establish a Law, as in Pag: 
75, Granting Libertye to anny Private Parson, as an inhabytant, To 
zeise both vessell and Goods of anny so trading in the persincts of 
this Jurrishdiction, and Therefore warrantable for vs to mantayne 
those formar Priveledges, as we mind the vindication and mantayne- 
ing of the Honno'' Prerogatiue and Priveledges of our Great Prince 
in this his highneses Territories Gaind him by vs As afiforesaid, 

6'*' : Because wee being jletterate ouf Selues, or at Least the prin- 
ceples of vs. The Consideration of the Aprobation of the Authoritye 
of this Place, Aproueing of ou^ Comando" Comision Manufasted by 
Admiting vs not only to sell and share our Plundo^ heere, but yo"" 
Authoritye Eyeing our Great Gunns for the vse & Safegaurd of this 
verry Jurrishdiction, Confirmed our judgmen'? in the Legality of our 
pseedings and actions. 

7 : Because those Coiiiando''' of the vessells wee did so take & 
make Prize off ware only such men whome wee had forbiden and 
Given fore warning not to Coin to trayd or p''sume on our Prive- 
leadges in these our masters psinctes vppon the Perrill of Being 
made Price, w".'' we Legaly might according to the Practis of Sum of 



368 Appendix. 

the Inhabetants of this Jurisdiction when they had the Powre as 
ppriato'^ of the very Same places ; vvitnes the Case of Cap Spenser 
& others ; but wee ware so favorable as tooke only there Peltrye. 

8. Because further, what wee haue acted hath not bin out of anny 
Mallace or Prejudize wee haue to this Cuntrey or ile will to the 
Authoritie thereof, but out of a tru Souldiers of Fortunes intrest and 
vallou";, and an vpright, Honnest heart to Mantayne the Honnof, 
Priveleadges, & Prerogatiues of our Prince, w'.'' wee haue Lately 
Espoused in his highneses jntrest in new holland, Allias Nova 
Scotia, etc« 

And thus haueing Given the Honno'**''^ Court sum Princeple 
Groundes and reasons w''!' we make for our defence and vindecation, 
shall in the Third Place, with Leaue, give the Bench a short acC: of 
the jnjuries wee haue Sustayned And Abuisses given vs by yof in- 
habetents, and then Leaue to yo' worships Breasts to Consider 
weather wee haue not benne Sofitiently pvoaked to a acted with farr 
Create"^ Seuerritye then as yett wee haue donn. 

if Gamshake Fort, w'^'' wee Left for a Garrison for those that wee 
Left behind, in w^'' wee putt Sum of the Honnestest and Poorer 
Soart of the Formar Inhabytents that Submited themselues to vs in 
y^ Possesion theire of, and to keepe the Same for the vse of ou"" 
Prince vntill Sume of vs Retorned ; but George HoUett, Rich. Suiet, 
And John Greene, in octobef Last, went to Port Royall, & from thence 
Trance Ported Frenchmen, our Enemies, to the Said Fort, & Setled 
them theire, Furnishing of them with Arms, Amonition, & Goods ; 
that when wee Came to S' Johns Riuer in ordo! to Posses the said 
Fort, The French, so setled by them, maintayned it against vs, and, 
being winter time, wee Could pseed no farther, but Retreated to 
Penobscott and the other of our Conquared Places, whare wee found 
those wee Left there welcoming vs and Redely yealding there obe- 
dience to vs ; w'" thing, when Coin to vnderstand, wee thought it 
straing that yo'' inhabytants should not only indeauoer to Cercomvent 
vs of the Priveledges of our trayd with the Indians, the w^"" they 
might, one would a thought, haueing taken there share thereof, a 



Appendix. 369 

benn Contented, and not a medled with states matters in furnishingf 
the French, ou*" Enemies, and Suporting of them against y^ Dutch, 
(with whome you are at Amytie), and that in ou^ Princes owne Cun- 
trye. So that how this is Consistant with the Late Articles of 
Peace made betwext our Great masters, wee Leaue for the wise to 
judg. 

2'^ : The jnhabytants of Pemequick or quid & severall EngHsh 
Fishermen Came to Penobscott, whare did not only Breake vpp the 
Plankes of our Demolished Fort and Gott out y" Iron worke and 
Spikes & Carryed them away, but also Robed, pilidged, & Plun- 
dered ou*" Poore Subiects theire, w'"' wee Left to keepe Possesion for 
our Prince till we Retvrned of all theire pvition and store w^'' wee 
Left them for to Sustayne their Poore Famelyes in the hard winter 
that nessetated The men to Leaue there wifes and Children to Joyne 
with the Indians, and with them Runn in the woods a hunting for 
there Famelyes to Keepe them from starueing, whilst yo"" English had 
taken there pvition as aforesaid from them \ soe that when wee Re- 
torned, those our Subiects presently welcoming of vs Gaue vs a 
ptickeler accompt thereof, & with all declareing to vs that the abuises 
they so Receved From the English was tenne times worse then when 
the dutch first Came and tooke there Forts ; and all this was done 
before euer wee offered to take anny of yo'' vessels, according to our 
third Reason, before Recited. 

3'^: On march the lo':" Last Thomas Coole, of Nantaskett, on of 
yo"" Inhabytants, Came to maythyas, a place whare wee had built A 
Trayding howse and Layd in a stocke of Goods, the said Coole 
Came a shoare with his boat full of men. Armed with Gunns, Pistels, 
swoards, whare, finding but foure of our men, takes them at a disad- 
vantadge, Surprizes ther psons Prisonors, Riefels and Plundo" ou' 
house, and Carryes away all our Peltry and other trading Goods, 
Plucks Downe our Princes Flagg as it was Flying, & Carryes our 
men Prisoners aboard his vessell, and in pticuler binds Randall 
judgsons Arms behind him and torned him ashoar for foure nights 
& foure dayse with out anny shelter or Couering in that Could 

47 



370 Appendix. 

Season, but in that Condition to be Left as a pray to the mercye 
of his Enemies, had they found him, and all this without anny Powre 
or Coiiiision from anny Authoritye ; so that how farr this Lookes 
like Pirazie, wee Leaue the jmpartiall to judg. 

4'^: Geo: Mailing, after that Ciuell vsedg shewed to him at our 
first takeing of him, that he should so Secritly, in a treacherous way, 
Contriued and Designed to murdor our Cap', & after discovered, and 
our men all aboard our owne vessel!, to Cora vp vnexspectedly and 
Attempt to fire a broad side of smale shott vppon vs, who Could 
a done Less in there own defence then wee did ? yett wee Rewarded 
him Good for his Euell, as witnes Geo: mafiings owne Letters to 
m[ John Freake; this Likewise wee desire may be Considered, with 
its Cercomstances. 

5'^: vppon CapV Moselyes takeing of vs, this Geo: mailing Re- 
uoalts fro vs, being then vndoy both our Coiiiand, jmploy, & hire, 
both for men and vessell, and with a Lye in his mouth he betrayes 
vs, and afterwards fires vppon vs or Fights vs vndo"" dutch ou' owne 
Princes Collors ; and how like New England Pirazie or Pirates this 
may be tearmed, w"'' Law of Pirazie defines those that Rise vpp in 
Rebellion against ther Comando'.', marchan?, owno", or Imployers, 
to be, such wee Leaue to the jmpartiall oppinion of this Honnor"*"^ 
Bench to judg, etc. 

6'^ : whilst wee ware thus taken by Cap" Mosely, hee had before 
Furnished a French man, our Enemie, with both men & force to 
assist him against vs ; and after wee So Submited, he Plundo'.' vs 
of all wee had Gotten the whole Winter, not only by ou'' Swoards 
from ou"" Enemies, but all that w""'' wee had trayded with the stocke 
w'^.'' wee Carryed out of Boston with vs, and also all our owne Goods 
& the Remaindol" of the Goods w'^'' wee had on the Credit of those 
Merch*f in Boston to whome wee are still obleiged, and thus Brings 
vs all away from our Princes Cuntrey, Leaueing it to be Sirpriz'^ by 
OUT Enemies, whilst hee by his Consoarts Reapes the Great Benefitt 
& Advantadg of our Spring trayd, and that with our Goods, And wee 
kept Close Prisono'^ all the while, and not Admited neither our owne 



Appendix. 371 

nor yet a Copia of our Coruission or ordo? from Cap" Vrin Arn- 
houthson, our Cheife Comando^ and Papers taken from vs By Capp" 
Mosely, by w'.'^ wee should better be Capassitated to make our De- 
fence, Although hath ben Requested of Cap" Mosely Severall times ; 
and how farr these actions are Consistant with the Maintaynence of 
that Amycable Peace made betwext ou"" Great masters for there 
Subiects in these Parts thus to act, wee Leaue to the wisdom of the 
Prudent jmpartialy to Judg Whome are the Trancegressers, ef". 

Thus may it Please the Hon^'':'*' Court, haueing Given Sum shoart 
accompt of the Princaple Iniuries wee haue sustayned, Craue only 
yo!" Patience to Give vs Leaue with Submition, in the fourth And 
Last Place, to Present you with Sume few Conseptions of ou": owne 
as an Aditiiiall matter for our Defence And Confirmation of our Rea- 
sons before Recited, ^ that Grounded vppon either Precept or 
Example of This verry Jurisdiction, viz", 

if Wee humbly Conceue if our first Coinison, Given Cap" vrin 
Arnhouthson, By vertue of w'.'' wee tooke the Cuntrye, be warranta- 
ble, & by Law Legall, then as we ware j)portionably Concearned & 
Parties in that Expedition, all that wee haue acted for the Keepeing 
Posesion & Mayntayning the Priveledges of the Same for the Honno"" 
of ouf Prince is alike warrantable and by Law Legall ; for if the 
Cuntry thus Gained becomes thereby pperly the stats of hollands 
Land, then all the intrest and Priveledges of trayd in those his high- 
neses pSinckes Belongs to the Hollands o'' likewise. 

2^. \ Wee Humbly Conceue that if the Authoritye of this Place, 
when they first saw our Coinando''^ Coinision and had a full & tru 
accomp" of our Actions, jn there wisdom had not benne well & fully 
Satisfied jn the justis or justness and Legalytie of our Enterprizes, 
they would not a Suffered anny Such Goods or Plundo'; Soe vniustly 
taken to a benne Receued or Sould Amongst yo"" jnhabytants. By 
Reason (Receuers And takers in A Sence are termed a like), But 
Rather, by a Discountenanceing the Same, would A bear a testymony 
against vs as an Enterprize vn Lawfull, and so ile legal!, etc. Butt 
ou- CoiTiision and Enterprize, by this Authoritye, was so well Aproued 



372 Appendix. 

on & Satisfied in, as boath ou"" Coinando^ & men ware Civelly treated 
and Admited to share and Sell our Plundoy to yo"" Inhabytent, and 
our Great Gunns, Bought By yo'' Authoritye for the farther Safe- 
guard And vse of this verry Collony, and therefore vnto vs Con- 
firmes our Enterprize and Actions to be boath Lawfull, warrantable, 
and Legall, By w"'' this Authoritye also hath Confirmed our first 
before Recited Reason, etc., as we humbly Conceue. 

3'f Wee Humbly Conceue that should wee out of zeale for the 
Honno"" of ou'' Prince through our want of judgmen' as being jleiter- 
rate or misvnderstanding of ou'' ordo" Goe beyond our Coiiiision in 
anny of the acts wee haue donne, Wee are accomptable only to ou' 
Prince For the Same, at whose marcie wee are, who is Sofitiently 
Respond to make Good anny jnjurie his Subiectes Doth (weather it 
be Reall or in Pretence), vndo'' a Collo'' of his name or Athorietye, 
he haueing Security given in hollonds from all pravateteers to make 
good y*" same before there Comision is granted. 

4'?': Wee Humbly Conceue that as ou' Accusations toucheth Life, 
that wee are not Lyable to answare anny such charge heere ; neither 
doe wee beleeue the Authoritye of this Place is pper for the tryall 
and detcrmening this our Case (at Least without a joynt consent) 
by Reason the I'act wee are Charged with was Donne in the Hol- 
lando' Cuntrye, Farr Enough out (with Submition) of the Powre of 
the Charto' of this jurishdiction, the Case and matter indefferrance 
arriseing there by Sum English of the inhabytants of this Collonys 
intreanching vppon the Prince of orrange, ou! Great masters trayd 
& Priveledges in his owne pSincte ; and that without anny ordo": or 
Comision from either anny Authoritye or ppriato' to jmpowre them 
soe to doe but at the ownly Hazard of theire owne fortunes of being 
made Lyable to be made Prise off. 

5'^: Wee Humbly Conceue againe, that the Esentiall Part of this 
Differrence Lyeth not so much in Meum & tueum of Single psons 
Litrcst properly, as matters of Genarall Priveledges and Princely 
Prerogatiues. And therefore none but ou! Great masters or Sume 
j mediately Authorized from them, is Legally Capable to take Cogni- 



Appendix. 373 

zence thereof, So as to Contradict vs or hindof vs in ou' Dutys as 
obleiged by ou' oaths, & in Ilonno'' to mantayn to ou' Powre for 
ou' Prince all Formar Priveledges in this ou' Case vntill wee 
are Contradicted by ou' Superiours of ou' Great Masters Leige 
Subiectes, etc. 

6'^: Wee Humbly Conceue if yo' Honno" Please only to Consult 
yof owne Lawse and Record, and but Exarsize yo' Refletiue P'acul- 
ties by Lookeing back on the Practises in yo' Remembrances, you 
will find Such Parellell Cases with ours to bee tearmed warrantable 
and Legall. 

That Putt vs to a startle how wee Can be questioned for ou[ Lines 
with Pirazie without Breach of yo"^ owne Law, Page 143, Grant- 
ing Libertye for straingers to haue Equall Priveledges of justis as 
yo' owne inhabytants without Parshallitye, and that wee may Cleare 
this ou' Argumen! wee shall indcauoer to Euince the Honno'able 
Bench with the truth of ou' Assertion, by Sum pticuler Instances 
w'^'' wee may appeale to the Contiences of Sum of yo' Honno? 
Breasts, for the verrytie of a Good Part theireof, viz". 

(i") Instance Maio' Sedgwicke, that well Knowne Worthy Com- 
ando. whome jn his Comision for these parts, Doubtles, by pticuler 
instructions was Designed agst new yoarke, the Dutch being then 
Declared enimies Although his CoiTiision at Lardg against anny of 
the protecto'' Enemies (if sum of vs then ware not mis informed), 
but when he Came heere, before he Could Gett Redy, newse of peace 
betwext the two states Came that torned his Expedition another 
way to these verry French Forts, w'^'' places after so taken became 
the then states of Englands Lands trayd and Priveledges w'.** was 
by this Authoritye Counted warrantable and Lawfull. A Case 
pellell with our first before recited Reason, whare ou' Cap'/ CoiTiision 
though in Genarall tearmes against ou' Princes Enimies yet pticu- 
lerly I'Lxpressed to Coin to these Parts on the Coasts of vergina 
against the English, our Enemies, as the Dutch ware then, but sence 
our Coming Into these parts, the welcom newse of Peace Came be- 
twext ou' Great Masters that torned our Expedition another way, to 



374 Apperidix. 

the makeing ou'selues Masters of the selfe same Forts and Places 
now gained from ou*^ Declared Enemies ; and therefore those Lands, 
trayd, And Priveledges of Nova Scotia are now properly becom the 
staits of Hollands Proprietye, and so with Submision wee humbly 
Conceue alike Lawfull & warrantable. 

(2) Instance, Those officers and Souldiers, maio' Sedgwicke Left 
behind to keepe posesion Looked at it as theire Dutye to mantayne 
those Priveledges of trayde in those parsincts w""" they ware actiue 
in Gaineing by the Swoard, for doeing of w"'' they ware not Deemed 
Pirates, but by this Authoritye Such actions then ware accompted 
iust and Legall ; a Case parelell with ou' Second before recited Rea- 
son, Wee being psons Equally ingaged in the Gaineing the Places 
with the Loss of ou[ Blood and Perrell of our hues, and thereby 
obleiged to mantayne the Priveledges thereof, & therefore ou' 
Actions therein a Like Legall. 

(3) Instance Both in Maior Sedgwick & Collonall temples tyme, 
and all other chang of Govermen" those vessells that hath Presumed 
to a traided with the Indians in those psinctes without Lycence from 
the Propriato" hath Ben Deemed by this Authoritye Law Full 
Priztis (to pticulerize the Case of Cap' Spencer not out of memory), 
A Case pelell with ou' 3 before Recited Reason. 

Where, we being for ou' Prince till farther ordor the psent 
ppriato""". Such vessells Coming not only without ou' Leaue, but in 
Contempt to vs, after fare warning, to vsurp fiom vs our trayd and 
Priveledges, becoiiis Legaly a like Lawfull Prize. 

(4) againe ; for anny Private inhabytent in this jurrishdiction to 
zeise and make Prize both of vessell and Goods of anny So trayding 
in this Jurishdiction it is by yo' Law, Page 75, warrantable, w''' Case 
is pelell with ou"' fourth before recited Reason, whare wee in like 
nature Acting for the Priveleadges for ou^ Prince in his Territories 
may with Submision to yo' Honno Judgm'; be a like warrantable. 

So that wee thinke we may say we haue either by Preceipt or Ex- 
ample of the Practises or Lawse of this Cuntry for to justifie the 
Legallitye of what wee haue donn without being deemed Pirates, the 



Appendix. 375 

Cercomstances of w":** with submition shall Leaue to the Breasts of 
the Hon'';'"-' Court to seriously Consider. 

Butt seventhly, and in the last Place, with out troubling yC Hon- 
no's farther wee Humbly Conceue that if the Authoritye vppon 
heereing and Debateing our Case see Ground to acquit vs, as we see 
no Cause to the Contraye ; yett wee Cannot but pswade ou'Selues 
that there might be Such a Coiiiodations propossed or found out as 
Rationaly might Reconsile all psons agreeable or injured on boath 
sides ; that so our masters might heere only of the Amicable accord- 
ing of theire Leige Subiects in these Parts of ou' Great masters ter- 
ritoryes. . . . Thus may it please the Hon^"*?'" Court, having vouch- 
safed vs yo' Patienc, now to beare with our Copiaousnes, Exscuseing 
ou' obserdityes, Pardon ou' Bouldnes and Accept of this ou' Deffence 
and decleration as wee are not only in the vindecation of ou' persons 
Arraigned for ou' Liues, but the Honnor Priveledges and Preroga- 
tiues of ou' Prince w*"" as Swoarn Subiects wee are in Good Contience 
to ou' Gods, tru valour as Souldiers, and Loyaltye to ou' Lord and 
master, obleiged to mantayne to the Last Drop of Blood in ou- Bodyes. 
And Surely then wee that hath So oft Hazearded and jeoperded our 
liues for triefels or things of Nought, wee hope shall not vppon So 
Honorable accompt be affrieghted at the threating of Death, for its 
not that wee feare, being Consceous to our selues That it is not 
imposeble for men by the Subtlety of there Adversaryes to be 
Cheated out of there sweet liues when in justis they Cannot be taken 
from them ; but blessed be God that we haue not only Ground to 
hope, but beleeue our Lott is not Cast in such a place, but amongst 
mersifull judges, and men so feareing God as we doubt not but will 
judge for God. And then will before judgmen' Consider That what 
wee haue Donne and acted against anny of the Inhabytents of this 
Jurishdiction hath Benne from the Reasons Before Expressed, and 
not out of anny Piraticall designe, or mallas to the Cuntrye, but in 
Honno- and Aleigence to ou' Prince ; and if we haue Earred therein 
wee hope the Honorable Court will impute it Rather to ou' ignorance 
then anny mischeife Designed by vs ; and thus Beseaching the 



376 



Appetidix. 



Hon''';''' Court with the most favourable Construction of our Lynes 
to way the varrieous Cercomstances of this our Defence in the Bal- 
lance of a tru and jmpartiall judgmen' To which End that wisdom 
may be a directorye therein, wee doe Submissiuely Conclude, Sub- 
scribing ou' Selues Loyall Subiects To ouf Great mastef the Prince 
of Orrang, And yo' Honno? Closs Confined Prisono'', to Doe with 
all in justis As wisdom shall Dirrecte. 
wee Subscribe fo' ou' selues \ 

And our Asociates / 

or Soldiers ■ ' 



his 
PeTTER X RODRIGO. 
mark 



Jn° Rhoades 
Randall Judson 
Richard Fowler 
Peter Grant 
John Thomas 
Jn° Williams. 



his 

Cornelius x Andreson. 

mark 



all these in open Court 
owned this pap' or their 
declaration to be there 
deffence to y'^ Court as \f^ 



may, 1675. 
E. R., S. 



No. 13. Page 153. 
THE COMMISSION OF JOHN RHOADE.i 

The Directors of the Privileged Genej'al West India Company of the 
United Netherlands. 

To all those who shall see or hear these presents — Greeting :■ 

Know, that whereas, in the year 1674, Captain Jurriaen Aer- 
nouts, Master of the Frigate The Flying Horse, from Curagoa, and 



^ The originals of thie Commissions 
of John Rhoacle and Cornelis Steen- 
wyck, and the other documents included 
in No. 13 of the Appendix, are in the 
possession of the New York Historical 



Society. Translations of the same are 
printed in General De Peyster's mono- 
graph, The Dutch at the North Pole 
and the Dutch in Maine : New York, 
1857. -H. 



Appendix. 377 

charged with a Commission of his Highness the Prince of Orange, 
has conquered and subdued the coasts and countries of Nova Scotia 
and Acadie, in which expedition was also present and assisted, with 
advice and force, John Rhoade : 

Therefore, we, after consulting the demand of the aforesaid Rhoade, 
to estabhsh himself in the aforesaid countries, and to remain there, 
and to maintain himself, have consented and permitted, and do con- 
sent and permit hereby, that the aforesaid Rhoade, in the name and 
by the consent of the General West India Company, shall take pos- 
session of the aforesaid coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and 
Acadie, in whatever place of that district it may please him, to build 
houses, and to establish, to cultivate, and to keep in repair, planta- 
tions ; that he may trade and negotiate with the natives, and all 
others with whom the State of the United Netherlands and the 
aforesaid Company is in peace and alliance : in the first place, to send 
hither and thither his own goods and merchandize, after paying the 
duties to our Company ; in the second place, to defend and maintain 
himself against every foreign and domestic power of enemies. Also, 
we charge and command our Managers, Captains, Ship-Masters, and 
all other officers in the service of our Company, and we request all 
persons who do not belong to our Company, not to trouble or dis- 
turb the aforesaid Rhoade ; but, after shewing this Commission, to 
assist him in the execution thereof, and to give him all help, aid, 
and assistance. 

Given at Amsterdam, Sept. 11, 1676. 

Gasper Pellicorne. 
For Ordinance of the aforesaid Directors. 

C. QUINA. 



48 



378 Appetidix. 



COMMISSION OF CORNELIS STEENWYCK. 

TJie Directors of the Privileged Genei^al West India Company of the 
United Netherlands. 

All those who shall see or hear these presents — Greeting : 

Know, that we, being convinced that the wealth of this Company 
would be greatly increased by the cultivation of those lands and 
places under the jurisdiction of our aforesaid grantees, and that it 
will be useful that these aforesaid lands and places should not remain 
uninhabited, but that somebody be duly settled there, and populate 
the country ; and afterwards thinking on expedients by which the 
navigation, commerce, and traffic of the aforesaid Company, and of 
all others who belong to it, may after some time be increased and 
augmented ; so is it that we, wishing to put our useful intention in 
execution, for the aforesaid and other reasons, by which we are per- 
suaded; following the second article of our aforesaid grant, and by 
the authority of the high and mighty States-General of the United 
Netherlands, and upon mature deliberation of the Council, have 
committed and authorized, and we do commit and authorize Cor- 
NELis Steenwyck, in the name of, and for, the High and Mighty 
and the Privileged General West India Company, to take possession 
of the coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and Acadie, including 
the subordinate countries and islands, so far as their limits are ex- 
tended, to the east and north from the River Pountegouycet ; and 
that he, Steenwyck, may establish himself there, and select such 
places for himself, in order to cultivate, to sow, or to plant, as he 
shall wish. 

Moreover, to trade with the natives of the country, and all others 
with whom the Republic of these United Netherlands and the afore- 
said Company are in peace and alliance, to negotiate and to traffic 
in the goods and merchandizes belonging to them, send them hither 
and thither, and fit out ships and vessels for the large and small 
fisheries, to set the cargo ashore, to dry and afterwards to sell them, 



Appendix. 379 

so as he shall think it best ; and, generally, to sustain and maintain 
himself and his family, by no other than honest means. 

Moreover, that he, Steenwyck, in the name of the High and 
Mighty, and of the General West India Company, will be admitted 
to make contracts and alHances and engagements with the natives 
of that country ; also to build some forts and castles, to defend and 
to protect himself against every foreign and domestic force of ene- 
mies or pirates ; and also to admit and to protect all other persons 
and famihes who wish to come under obedience to the Company, 
if they swear due faithfulness to the much esteemed High and 
Mighty, as their highest Sovereign Magistrate, to his Highness, My 
Lord the Prince of Orange, as the Governor-Captain and Admiral- 
General, and to the Directors of the Privileged West India 
Company. 

That, moreover, the aforesaid Steenwyck, with the title and 
power of Manager and Captain, will provide, deliver, and execute 
everything that belongs to the conservation of these countries ; 
namely, — 

The maintenance of good order, police, and justice, as would be 
required according to the laws and manners of those countries ; and, 
principally, that the true Christian reformed religion is practised 
within the limits of his district, after the usual manner ; that Steen- 
wyck, according to this, may place some one — if he is a free-born 
subject — in his office ; who, in name and authority, moreover, with 
the title and a power as aforesaid, may take possession of the afore- 
said countries to establish himself there ; and further, to do and 
execute all those things whereto Steenwyck himself, in aforesaid 
manner, is authorized ; all those things, nevertheless, without ex- 
penses, charges, or any kind of burdens to the Company ; and with 
the invariable condition that the aforesaid Steenwyck, or the per- 
son whom he might place in his office, will be obliged to execute 
the present Commission and authorization within the next eighteen 
months, or that by negligence or failure thereof it will be in our 
faculty and power to give such a Commission and authorization to 



380 Appendix. 

other persons than Steenwyck, or his Lieutenant, without any 
reference to this present one. 

Moreover, that the aforesaid Steenwyck, or whom he shall 
commission, and who establish himself within the limits of that 
particular, privileged, and conceded district, shall have freedom 
and immunity of all rights and recognizances for the time of six 
years successively. 

At last, and to conclude, that the aforesaid Steenwyck, or his 
Lieutenant, within the limits of the aforesaid district, will have the 
right to distribute to others such countries and places for Colonies 
and farms as he shall think best ; and that the managers and prin- 
cipals of those Colonies and farms, for the time of six years, shall be 
entirely possessed of the aforesaid rights and recognizances. 

We command and charge all our Directors, Managers, Captains, 
Masters of ships, and all our other officers who may belong to them, 
that they will have to acknowledge, to respect, and to obey, the 
aforesaid Cornelis Steenwyck, or his Lieutenant, as Manager 
and Captain, within the limits of the aforesaid district ; and to pro- 
cure, to give, and to afford him every help, aid, and assistance in the 
execution thereof, — seeing that we find it useful for the service of 
the Company. 

Given in Amsterdam, October 27, 1676. 

Gasper Pellicorne. 
For Ordinance of the aforesaid Directors. 

C. QUINA. 

Most Honorable, Valiant, and Honest Beloved, Faithful : 

In answer to the remonstrance of your brother-in-law, Nicolaas, 
the Governor, we have thought convenient to send your Honor the 
enclosed Commission and authorization, being the permission to 
take possession of the coasts and countries of Nova Scotia and 
Acadic, so far as its limits are extended from the River Pentegoiiet, 
to the east and north, in the name and upon the authority of the 
High and Mighty States-General of the United Netherlands and the 



Appejidix. 38 1 

Privileged West India Company, confirming all such conditions as 
your Honor will see himself, by reading the aforesaid Commission. 

But our intention is not to prejudice a Commission of the ii"" 
Sept'r last, given to John Rhoade, a native of England, was helping 
to conquer and subdue the aforesaid coasts and countries in the year 
1674, under the direction of Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts. A Copy 
of that aforesaid Commission is herewith, as witness for you: — 

We have commanded the aforesaid Rhoade to give your Honor, 
from time to time, his advice in regard to the state of affairs, and as 
to what could be done for them by virtue of our aforesaid Commis- 
sion, and we hope that it will be observed by him. 

Moreover, we ask and desire eagerly, that as soon as your Honor 
shall have taken possession of the aforesaid lands, or may have sent 
somebody there in his name, you will tell us the state of affairs 
there, and also what kind of business could there be practised with 
gain and advantage ; also to let us know all those things which you 
may think advantageous for us to know. 

If, afterwards, there should be found any minerals in any place 
there, we wish that your Honor would send us some samples, with, 
and besides, your opinion and advice in order to decide upon it. 
Finally, we command your Honor to do all that which may increase 
the wealth of our Company. 

Wherewith finishing, we commend you to the protection of God. 

Amsterdam, October 27, 1676. 

Gasper Pellicorne. 

For Ordinance of the aforesaid Directors. 

C. QUINA. 



382 Appendix. 



No. 14. Page 154. 

LETTER FROM THE DUTCH AMBASSADOR TO THE KING OF 

GREAT BRITAIN. 

Au Roy de la Grande Breiagne, 

Le soubsigne Ambassadeur Extraordinaire de Messeigneurs les 
Estats des Provinces Unies se trouve oblig6 par ordre expres de ses 
Maistres de representer a sa Maj*^ qu'iin Capitaine nomme Juriaen 
Aerents Commendant le vaisseau Le Cheval de poste de Curassao 
estant party du dit Curassao avec commission du Gouverneur de 
cett' isle, et s'estant rendu Maistre des Forts Penatscop, et de S' 
Jan appartenants aux Francois, et situez sur la Riviere Pontegouet 
qui est du Nord de I'Amerique dans Les Paifs de la Nouvelle France, 
et y aiant laisse une partie de ses Gens pour la garde des dites 
places et pour traffiquer avec les peuples du Pays d'alentour. II a 
plu aux Anglois qui sont a Boston d'attaquer a main armee les gens 
y laissez en garnison, de les faire prisonniers, et de raser les forti- 
fications y faites dans la seule veue de n'y pas souffrir d'Hollandois. 
Ce qu'estant une violation ouverte du Traiete de la Paix faite avec Sa 
Maj-. Elle est tres humblement price du faire punir exemplairement 
les coupables, et d'envoyer les ordres necessaires pour le promt re- 
lachement des dits prisonniers et la restitution des dits Forts avec 
entier dedommagement. A Windsor ce ^^l'^^^^ 1675 

C. Van Beuningen.i 

^ Copied from the original in the English State-Paper Office. — H. 



Appendix, 383 



No. 15. Page 155. 
ORDERS IN COUNCIL. 

At Whitehall, February the ii"' i67s[-6]. 
Present the King's Most Excellent Majesty. 

Upon the Memoriall of the Ambassador Ex- 

The Bostoners in traordinary of the States General of the United 

New England to An- Provinces representing that Capt. Jurian Aren- 

swer the Complaint Commander of the Shipp Flying Horse of 

OF THE Dutch Ambr. ^ ' , . . , ^ ' ^ . . ^ 

Curasso, having received a Commission irom 

the Governor of that Island, made himself Master of the Forts of 
Penotscop and S' John, belonging to the French, situated upon the 
river of Pentagolt in 'the North of America in New France, and 
having left part of his men there, for the defense of the said places, 
and to trade with the inhabitants thereabouts, the English of Boston 
did by force of armes attack the men left in Garrison in the said 
places, made them Prisoners, and razed the Fortifications, upon no 
other consideration but because they would not suffer any Hollander 
there ; Praying his Majestic to cause exemplary punishment to be 
inflicted upon the Offenders, and to send requisite Orders for the 
speedy setting at liberty the Prisoners, and restitucion of the said 
Forts, with satisfaction for damages. It is this day Ordered that a 
Copie of the said Memoriall be sent unto the Magistrates of Boston 
in New England, who are hereby required to return their answer 
to said Complaint, That so 'his Majestic understanding the nature 
of the Fact may give such order as is agreeable to justice therein. 
And the Right Hon*^'" M' Secretary Williamson is to prepare a 
letter for his Majesties Signature accordingly. [Charles II., vol. 
xii. 119.]^ 

1 Coll. Mass. Hist. Soc, xxxii. (4th Series), 286, 287. — H. 



384 Appendix. 

Here follows the King's letter : — 

The King's Letter to the Governor and Council of Massachusetts. 

Charles R. 

Trusty and welbeloved. We greet you well. Whereas the 
Amb". Extraord*: of the States Generalls of the United Provinces 
hath complained unto Us, that Cap' Juriaen Arenson Coiiiander 
of the ship Flying Posthorse of Curassao having received a Com- 
mission from the Gouvernor of that Island, and made himself master 
of the Forts Penatscop and S' John belonging to the French scitu- 
ated upon the River Pountegoult in the West of America in New- 
France, and having left part of his men there for the defence of the 
said places, and to trade with the Inhabitants thereabouts. That 
some English belonging to Boston did by force of armes attack the 
men left in Garrison in the said places, made them prisoners and 
razed the fortifications upon noe other consideration, as is pretended, 
but because they would not suffer any Hollander there. We having 
taken the same into Our Royall consideration, have thought fit by 
the advice of our Privy Councill to send a Copy of the said Memoriall 
to you, and to require you to returne your speedy answer to the 
said complaint, that soe We understanding the nature of the 
Fact may give such order as is agreable to Justice therein, in pur- 
suance of the good correspondence between Us and the said States. 
And soe We bid you farewell. Given at Our Court at Whitehall 
the iS"" day of February i67f in the eight and twentieth yeare of 
Our Reign. 

By His Maj'>^= Command. 

J. Williamson. 

To our Trusty and welbeloved 
The Gouvernor and Councill of the 
Massachussets Colony in New England.^ 

^ Copied from the original in English State- Paper Office. — H. 



Appendix. 385 

No. 16. Page 156. 

ANSWER OF THE GOVERNOR AND COUNCIL OF MASSACHU- 
SETTS TO THE MEMORIAL OF THE DUTCH 
AMBASSADOR.! 

To THE King's most Excellent Majesty: 

The answer of the Gouerno": & Councill of the Mattachusetts 
Colony to the complaint exhibited against them by the extraordi- 
nary Embassado' of the Lords States Generall of the United Prov- 
inces, January 22^ i^/f, which came to o'. hands Sept' 3'? 1676. 

That Capt' Jurian Aronson, Coinand' of the Ship Flying Post 
horse of Curassoa, haveing received Coiiiission from the Gouernof of 
that Island, made himselfe Master of the Forts Penatskop and S' 
John, belonging to the French and scituate upon the River Pente- 
goult in the North of America in New France, and having left part 
of his men there for defence of the s"! place and to trade with the 
Inhabitants thereabouts : The English of Boston have thought fit 
by force of armes to attack the men left in garrison — in the s'* place 
making them prison-' and raceing theire Fortification made upon no 
other consideration but because they would not suffer any Holland" 
there ; which being an open violation of the treaty of peace, &c. 

That Capt" Jurian Aronson CoiTiandr of the Ship Flying Post 
horse of Curassoa came into the harbour, in the Mattachusetts, in 
the yeare 1674, and applied himselfe to the Gouernoy to have liberty 
to come up to Boston to repaire & revictuall his Ship, hee having 
been at the River of Pentegoult and there made himselfe Master of 
the Fort & brought the French Gouerno^ his prison- Shewing his 
Coinission for what hee had done ; which Coiiiission was against 
English as well as French ; the Gouerno- having the proclamation 
of the peace agreed between his Majesty and theire Lordships, 
granted him the s'' Capt" Liberty according to his desire to come 
up with his Ship ; who informed the Gouerno- that hee had not left 
any men to keepe possession of his conquest ; but had dismantled 
! Mass. Archives, Ixi. 134-136. — H. 
49 



386 Appendix. 

the Fort and brought away the gunn's. The Capt" having fitted his 
Ship and dispatched his buisness, hee came to the Gouerno- to take 
his Leave and have a permit for his Sayling ; at which time the 
Gouerno' asked him if hee had given Coiiiission to any to goe and 
keepe that Country or any part of it, or whither hee had given to 
any a coppie of his Coiiiission to that end ; hee said hee had given 
no CoiTiission nor a coppie of his, nor would hee give any, for that 
hee would not make himselfe liable to answer for others' actions, 
this was in October 1674. at his departure hee left in Boston sever- 
all that had been of his company iii the former action — Viz| John 
Rhodes, a Boston man, and four other English — two of them of 
Boston — with one Cornelius Andreson, a dutchman, and Peter Rod- 
rigo, a Flanderkin ; The Gouerno- hearing that there were of those 
men going forth to those parts, sent for John Rhodes, being informed 
that hee was the principall, and demanded of him whither hee was 
goeing, hee saide a trading to the Eastward, being asked whither 
hee nor any of the company did not goe to take vessells that were 
coasting and trading there, hee answered no, nor had they any 
CoiTiission so to doe. 

In december following William Waldron made his complaint to 
the Gou'. & Councill, that upon the Seas coming homeward, hee 
was met with by Cornelius Andreson, John Rhodes, and some 
others in a Vessell, out of which they fired two guns at him, & 
coiiianded him to anchor ; they came on board him, and forceably 
tooke from him beaver, with other peltry & small Purr's to value of 
about £,60 Sterl. & carried himselfe & goods by force on board 
theire vessell, and there forced him to Set his hand to a writing 
drawn by John Rhodes that they had taken from him nothing but 
peltry, and had taken it in New Holland. After, in February 167I 
John Freake, Merchant, made complaint that hee had a small vessell, 
under the coriiand of George Manning, bound homewards on a Voy- 
age from the Eastward, by accident was met withall in the River of 
S' John by John Rhodes & Some Dutchmen his complices, in a 
small Vessell sometime in the month of Deccmb- last past ; who over- 
powering them with men, piratically Seized his s.' Vessell & goods 



Appendix, 387 

on board her, had wounded the Master & another of his company, 
and kept both Vessell, goods, & men ; Severall other of his Ma""'^ 
Subjects complained, some of them being of the Jurisdiction of the 
Mattachusetts, that the s'^ persons had robbed & plundered them ; 
who prayed that some course might bee taken for theire Security 
against them. Whereupon the Gou'. & Council taking the same 
into theire consideration what might bee requisite to bee done for 
the securing of the Inhabitants on shore & the navigation by Sea, 
concluded it necessary to send forth, that they might bee certainly 
informed by what Coinission the s'! persons and theire complices 
had so acted, and in case of theire resistance to bring them in by 
force, and for that end comissioned Capt" Sam" Moseley ; who in 
pursuance of his Coinission Seized & tooke John Rhodes, Peter 
Rodrigo, Peter Grant, Thomas Mitchel, and Edw''- Youring in the 
vessell that was Tho: Mitchels, whome they hired for a trading voy- 
age as by Charter party appeared ; afterwards hee also tooke the 
other vessell wherein Cornelius Andreson, John Thomas, & John 
Williams with others were, and returned to Boston with them the 
2.^ of april 1675. Capt" Moseley bringing his prisoners before the 
Gouerno."' and Magistrates at Boston, who Examined them, whither 
they had done according to the complaints exhibited against them 
in Seizing goods & Vessells &c., they owned the Fact, but denied 
that they had done it piratically ; then it was demanded of them by 
what coinission they had done what was done in taking Vessells & 
goods from his Ma*'^' Subjects in a hostile way, and by wh authority 
they had robbed & plundered the Inhabitants of this Colony, all which 
was fully proved against them by honest men upon Oath; where- 
upon Peter Rodrigo produced a paper w'.'' three Scales according to 
the inclosed Coppie. Cornelius Andreson produced another of the 
like tenor without any Scale, which gave them no power to Seize 
any Vessell or goods, onely had liberty to trade, keepe the Country, 
& Saile upon the coast ; for which they were not Seized and im- 
prisoned ; but for piratycally Seizing the Vessells & goods that be- 
longed to his Ma"^' Subjects and so were coinitted in order to theire 
tryall. Peter Rodrigo, John Rhodes, Richard Fowler, Randolph 



388 Appendix. 

Judson, Peter Grant, and Cornelius Andrcson, by the Grand] my 
were indicted severally by theire severall bills for such thcire 
pyraticall practices, and after, by the Jury of Tryalls all but Cor- 
nelius Andreson found guilty ; for which they were Sentenced to 
death ; but after repreived, and upon theire humble petitions to the 
Generall Court wherein they acknowledge the justness of the 
Courts proceedings, the s'l Court pardoned them for theire lives, 
but banished them the Colony upon pain of death unless they 
should obtain from authority leave to return. So that what was 
done in prosecution of that matter was not done because the Eng- 
lish would not suffer any Hollanders to bee nigh them ; but to pre- 
vent & suppress the pyraticall practices of English, Dutch, or other 
Nations. Of them that were brought to tryall there was but one 
Dutchman, Four Englishmen, & one Flanderkin, Wee did not nor 
do judge it tolerable for any Gouernment, much less for a Gouer'm' 
deriving theire authority from his Ma"." to Suffer any under pre- 
tence of theire useing the name of any Prince or State from whome 
they have derived no power, to associate themselves and by waycs 
of hostility molest peaceable and quiet minded Subjects in theire 
lawfull occasions ; So that had the matter been truly laide before 
the Lords States Generall, wee doubt not but theire Lordships 
would have seen the justice of o' proceedings at Boston — both by 
the law's of God, of all civill Nations, as well as the Law's of o' Col- 
ony, & no cause of complaint against the innocent whose principles, 
profession, & practices are against such proceeding as the complaint 
imparts : and wee doubt not but by the clemency & Justice of his 
Ma"'" o' Sovereign to bee justified in these o' just proceedings & 
have not been any violato'.' of the treaty of peace between his Ma"' 
and theire Lordships. 

This letter ^ or narrative is past by y" Council to be sent to one 
of his Maj'>" Secretary' of state to be presented to his Maj'*^ as an 
Answer to his Maj'^' Coiiiands. 5"' of October, 1676. 

Edw" Rawson, S(rre'\ 

^ The draught of this letter in the Massachusetts Archives is in the hand- 
writinfr of Isaac Addincton. — H. 



Appefidix. 389 



No. 17. Page 159. 

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE STATES-GENERAL AND 

THE ENGLISH COURT RESPECTING THE ARREST AND 

TRIAL OF RHOADE AND OTHERS AS PIRATES, etc. 

The Dutch Ambassador to the Lords of the States-General} 

Westminster, August {^, 1679. 
Most High and Honorable Lords : 

My Lords, — The King returned yesterday to Windsor from his 
trip to Duyns and ror[t]smouth, having spent only so nnich time in 
these places as was allotted for that purpose. It is my intention to 
call this evening on His Majesty at Windsor. 

You, the Most High and Honorable, having ordered me to con- 
tinue the matter commenced by Mr. Beuningen, and which he did not 
finish, I have, therefore, at the request of the Directors of the West 
India Company, insisted upon the release and the indemnification of 
one John Rodes,^ who, being duly provided with a commission from 
the West India Company, had attempted to trade in New Scotland 
and Accadie on the Coast of America, and was prevented to do so 
by one Capt. Namton,^ who took away from him his ship and mer- 
chandise, and besides detained him as prisoner. In consequence of 
a Memorial preceding, I presented myself to Mr. Beuningen on the 
2I5-* of May last, and requested indemnification for damages inflicted 
upon the citizens (or subjects) of the State by those of Boston in 
taking and destroying the two forts Penaskop* and St. John, which 
the Capt. Juriaan Arentsz^ with his ship, the Flying Horse, in the 

1 This letter, and all the letters in 2 Rhoade is the proper spelling. — II. 

English that follow, were tninslated for ^ Knapton. — H. 

this volume from the Dutch by tlie Rev. ^ Penobscot. This name is variously 

J. W. Warnshuis, A.M., late pastor of spelled in this correspondence. — H. 

the Holland Reformed Church, New ^ Capt. Jurriaen Aernouts is the per- 

York, now pastor of the Reformed son referred to. — H. 
Church at Alton, Iowa. — H. 



390 Appendix. 

year 1674 bad taken from the French, as you, the Most High and 
Honorable, will please learn from the accompanying Memorial, and 
would also order that in the future such excesses must not again 
take place. I was promised that in the near future an answer would 
be given me with reference to this matter, but by way of anticipa- 
tion, it was said that the King's orders were little obeyed by those of 
Boston and the adjacent colonies, that they consequently scarcely 
dare send goods in exchange or ships to England, since those colo- 
nists lived there in a kind of independent republics ; however, they 
would carefully consider every thing pertaining to the matter. 

It appears, etc. — 

Since the King is away and the members of the Council, nothing 
happens here worthy the knowledge of you, the High and Honorable ; 
wherefore for the present I will close, remaining, 
High and Honorable Lords, 
Your humble, obedient, and faithful servant, 

D. V. Leyden van Leeuwen. 

Here follows the Memorial mentioned above: — 

Au Roy de la Grande Bretagne : 

Le soubsign6 AmbassI ExL« de Messeigneurs les Estats Generaux 
des P?! Unies, a ordre de representer a Sa Majlf que, nonobstant 
qu'il soit sans contredit, qu'en I'annee 1674 le capitaine Juriaen Aer- 
nouts avec la fregatte le cheval volant, par ordre et commission de 
L. H. P. aye pris sur les franqois, les forteresses de Penatscop et 
Si Jean, situ6es sur la riviere de Pointegourt dans I'Amerique, dans 
la nouvelle Escosse et Arcadie, et qu'aynsi L. H. P. s'estans mis en 
possession par le droit de la guerre de ces terres appartenantes a leur 
ennemis. Les sujets de Sa Maj= establis a Boston ont entrepris sans 
aucune raison de chasser led! capHf Juriaen Aernouts de ses con- 
questes et de demolir les d!! forteresses, en un temps, que L. H. P. 
avoient I'honneur d'estre amis et allies de Sa Mail, et que depuis 
ceux du di Baston ayants pretendu la possession des difes terres ap- 



Appendix. 391 

pertenantes a la compagnie Belgique des Indes Occidentales, jusques 
la, qu'un certain capitaine Namton se soyt say si de la personne, du 
vaisseau et des marcbandises de Jean Rodes, quoy qu'authorise des 
Directeurs de la susd. compagnie Belgique, par commission datce 
des jlj- Septembre 1676, pour trafficquer avec les peuples de la sus- 
dite Acadie et d'autant, que le Sr van Beuningen cy devant AmbL 
Exil a cette cour, aye au nom de L. H. P. demande, par une me- 
moire presente le W May 1679, reparation et chastiment exem- 
plaire dud. exces, et qu'il plaise a Sa Maj'i donner les ordres 
necessaires pour relacher et dedommager le dit Jean Rodes, in- 
terdisant a mesme temps ses sujets de ne plus troubler ceux de 
L. H. P. dans leur commerce et autres droits dans le susdi pais 
de 1. Acadie et que jusqu'a present on n'aye eu aucune reponce 
sur le susdl memoire. 

Le soubsigne Ambl 'Ex2 supplie treshumblement Sa MajH de vou- 
loir en toute equite et justice terminer sans plus long delay, cette 
affaire. 

Westminster, ce ^4 d'Aoust, 1679. 



Letter from the West India Company to the States-General. 

Aen de Hoogh Mogende Heeren Staten Generael 
DER Vereenigde Nederlanden. 

Hoogh Mogende Heeren, — Aengesien de Bewinthebberen van 
de Generale Geoctr: Westindische Compagnie deser landen, beright 
werden, dat seecker capiteyn off commissie vaerder, met name Jur- 
rian Aernouts, voerende 't schip genaemt 't Curacaosche vliegende 
postpaert, eenigen tydt geleden uyt de haven van Curacao, met be- 
hoorlycke commissie van den directeur aldaer is uytgeseylt, omme de 
vyanden van desen staet affbreuck te doen, ende dat uyt kraghte van 
dien, den voorn : capiteyn vervolgens van de Fransche heeft ingeno- 
men ende verovert de forten Penatscop en St. Jan, gelegen op de 
riviere Pountegouet alwaer hy eenige van syn volck hebbende gelaten 



392 Appe7tdix. 

soo omme de possessie van de voorgedaghte plaetsen te behoudcn 
ende te maincteneren, als vvel, omme met de naturcllen aldaer te 
lande, in rust en vrede te trafficqueren ende te handelen, het gebeurt 
is, dat die van Baston, gehoorende onder syne Conincklycke Mayes- 
teyt van Groot Brittannien, hier van jalours synde, sigh niet ontsien 
hebben de aldaer geblevene personen, waervan U. Ho. Mog. de 
namen des noots gesuppediteert connen werden, vyantlyck aen te 
tasten, ende gevanckelyck na Baston voorsz. wegh te voeren, heb- 
bende alvoorens gedestrueert ende ter neder gcsmeten de logien ende 
seeckere vastigheyt, die de voorn : personen aldaer by provisie opge- 
reght ende gemaeckt hadden, contrarie den uytgedruckten text van 
het jongste vredens tractaet tusschen hoogstgedaghte syne Coninck- 
lycke Mayesteyt, ende desen staet gesloten, dicterende, dat naer 
expiratie van de respective termynen tusschen de wederzydsche 
volckeren ende onderdanen, soo buyten als binnen Europa, in alle 
landen, heerschappyen ende plaetsen, van derselver gebiedt aenstonts 
sullen comen op te houden, ende verboden syn alle acten van hos- 
tiliteyt ende vyantschap ende dat oversulcx ongeoorloft is naer het 
sluyten van soo een opreghte vaste en onverbrekelycke vrede directe- 
lyck ofte indirectelyck, onder wat prastext het oock sonde mogen 
wesen, te vernielen, beschadigen, aen te tasten, te bevegten ofte te 
spolieren des anders goederen, landen, ofte eenige van de ingesetencn 
van dien soo vinden de voorn : Bewinthebberen sigh ampts ende 
pligts halven genootdruckt U. Ho. Mo. hiervan by desen kennisse te 
geven, ende in aller onderdanigheyt te versoecken, dat het derselver 
goede geliefte sy, den heer Ambassadeur extraordinaris van desen 
staet by hoogstgedagte syne Conincklycke Mayesteyt, ende aen 't 
Hoff van Groot Brittannien voorsz. spccialyck aen te schryven ende 
te recommanderen, aldaer serieuse instantien ende devoiren aen te 
vvenden, ten eynde de personen, die in maniere, als vooren naer 
Baston gevanckelyck syn weghgevoert, ten alderspoedigsten op vrye 
voeten mogen gestclt werden, ende dat voorts meer hoogstgemelte 
syne Conincklycke Mayesteyt, die voorsieninge come te doen, ende 
alsulcken ordre te beramcn, dat van de voors : plaetsen met al den 



Appendix. 393 

aencleven van dien, sender eenigh verhinder ofte empeschemcnt, 
daer ende sulcx behoorlyck is, costeloose en schadeloose restitutio 
magh geschieden. Tvvelck doende etc. 

Uyt den name van de 

Bewinthebberen als boven 

C. QuiNA, 

Letter of the Dutch Ambassador to the Lords of the States-General. 

Westminster, August \\, 1679. 
High and Honorable Lords: 

My Lords, — Since my last letter I have received the accompany- 
ing reply to my memorial, a copy of which was sent to you, the High 
and Honorable, on the y^^th instant, touching the releasing and the 
indemnification of John Rodes, and also the repairing of the excesses 
committed by those of the colony of Boston, in taking by force the 
forts Penatskop and St. John in New Scotland and Acadie, and since 
I have been informed in person that the position taken in my me- 
morial will need to be proven, as the King has returned it to the 
Commissioners, to whom it was referred, for the purpose of inform- 
ing him, and believing that the necessary papers for that purpose 
are in the hands of the authorized West India Company, I have, 
therefore, with the permission of you, the High and Honorable, 
written to them about the matter. 

It appears that His Majesty, etc. 

High and Honorable 

Your humble, obedient, and faithful Servant, 

D. v. Leyden van Leeuwen. 

Here follows the King's reply to the Memorial of the 
Dutch Ambassador : — 

Le roy ayant vu un mc^moire de son Ex'^f Monsieur van Leeuwen 
Ambassadeur Extra= de Messieurs les Estats Generaux en date du 
4=" de ce mois contenant une plainte contre la colonic de Boston 

50 



394 Appendix. 

dans la nouvelle Angleterre, de ce qu'ils ont entrepris de chasser le 
capitaine Juriaen Aernouts, de ses conquestes, qu'il avoit fait sur 
les frangois en I'annee 1674 dans la nouvelle Escosse et I'Accadie, et 
de demolir les forteresses de Penatscop et S= Jean situees sur la 
riviere de Pointegomt, lesquels ledit capitaine avoit aussi pris des 
frangois et de ce que depuis ceux de Boston se sont saisis de la 
personne, du vaisseau et des marchandises de Jean Rodes, quoy qu' 
authorise des Directeurs de la Compagnie Belgique des Indes Occi- 
dentales pour traffiquer avec les peuples de la susdite Accadie, et 
suppliant aussi le Roy de vouloir donner les ordres necessaires pour 
relacher ledit Rodes, et interdire a ses sujets de Baston de ne plus 
molester ceux de Messieurs les Estats dans leur commerce. Sa 
Maj'i a ordonne de faire cette reponse audit Sieur Ambass' extra=^ qu' 
elle a desja donne ordres aux Seigneurs de son conseil d^putez pour 
les affaires du commerce et des colonies, de s'informer au plutost 
de cette affaire, et d'en faire rapport a sa Maj= afin qu'elle puisse 
estre terminee selon ce que la justice et la bonne correspondence, 
que Sa Maj=. veut conserver entre les deux nations, requereront. 

Fait au chasteau Royal de Windsor, ce 82? jour d'Aoust, 1679. 

Sunderland. 



Letter of the Dutch Ambassador to the Lords of the States- General. 

Westminster, October 3, 1679, S. N. 
High and Honorable Lords : 

My Lords, — In the prosecution which I have been conducting 
here with reference to the excesses committed against the person of 
John Rodes, and the ship under his command, and the merchandise, 
who was provided with a commission from the authorized West 
India Company, I have at last been informed that as regards this 
matter and his imprisonment in New York, representation thereof 
must be made, not to the King, but to His Grace the Duke of York, 
to whom, in sovereignty, and independent from the crown of Eng- 
land, His Majesty had ceded that country. 



Appendix. 395 

I have, therefore, on the occasion when His Royal Highness was 
present at the Court here, spoken to him about the matter, and I 
found him favorable disposed to make repairs of excesses committed, 
with many protestations of good will which said His Royal Highness 
bore to the State of you, the High and Honorable ; and although said 
Duke assured me that he was entirely ignorant of this matter, and 
that never any complaint had been made to him about it, yet he 
agreed to seek all possible information, and after two days he sent 
his Secretary to me, together with a person who had recently come 
from New York and was the General Steward of His Highness at that 
place, who then informed me, and showed me on maps that seemed to 
be accurately made, that the river St. George was not in Nova Scotia 
and Accadie but in New England ; that consequently the aforesaid 
John Rodes, nor any other person, could be qualified by the West 
India Company to trade with the natives on that river ; that, there- 
fore, the aforesaid John Rodes, with his ship and goods, although seized 
upon and brought to New York, had, nevertheless, been released 
after having been detained only about fourteen days, and the ship 
and goods, not belonging to the aforesaid John Rodes, but to a cer- 
tain merchant of New London, had been returned without cost, and 
that only a fine of ten pounds sterling had been required of him, 
which was still unpaid; and that with regard to the patents of Sir 
William Temple, that in these not only the river of St. George was 
included, but that they also extended to seventy miles along the 
coast, in which would be included the greatest part of Accadie itself ; 
but that in the year 1670 an agreement had been made with the 
French, that the river Pontegourt should be the limits, and that so 
much as lay west of said river should belong to the Duke, and that 
which is on the East side to the French, in such a manner that the 
English should manage the said west side of the same river with the 
natives, and the French the east side, to that extent that His Royal 
Highnes, as far as it concerned him, would lay no claim to anything 
East of the river Pontegourt, and could have even witnessed with 
indifference in case the West India Company had taken Nova Scotia 



39^ appendix. 

and Accadic from the French, and thereby obtaining certain rights, 
should have exercised and maintained the same, giving me, further- 
more, to understand, that the aforesaid John Rodes did not have the 
best reputation of being an honest man, but should have committed 
many dishonest deeds. I have taken a great deal of trouble to get a 
written statement of what was said, but have been put off until cer- 
tain papers that were on ship-board at Dover should have been sent 
hither, and I fear that His Royal Highness shall have left for Brusscl 
before I shall have obtained it [the written statement], I shall in 
the meantime not cease to prosecute the claims of repairing the ex- 
cesses committed by those of Boston in the year 1674, with reference 
to which the King has appointed commissioners ; but these delay the 
matter, saying that they, by the first chance, will write to Boston for 
information, and as soon as that arrives they will make report thereof 
to the King. 

I have the treaty, etc. 

With which I remain. 

High and Honorable Lords. 

P. S. I have also sent a copy of this missive to the Directors of 
the West India Company. 
High and Honorable 

Your humble, obedient, and faithful servant, 

D. V. Levuen van Leeuwen. 



Westminster, October 6, 1679, S. N. 
High and Honorable Lords: 

My Lords, — His Excellency, the Ambassador Jenkins, return- 
ing, etc. — 

His Royal Highness, the Duke of York, sent to me the day before 
his departure from here the accompanying answer (see enclosed 
copy No. 4), in the matter of John Rodes and his ketch, of which 
matter I gave you, the High and Honorable, an extended account in 
my last letter of the third instant. I should have been very much 



Appendix. 397 

pleased if I had seen in the answer the proof that the river Pontegourt 
was the acknowledged boundary line between what the English and 
formerly the French had possessed in that quarter of America ; but 
His Royal Highness has declined to do so, saying that it could not 
be required of him to make a declaration about the boundary lines, 
without obtaining further knowledge thereto. I also send copy of 
this answer to the Directors of the West India Company. 

With which I remain, 

High and Honorable Lords, 

Your, high and honorable, humble, obedient, and faithful servant, 

D, V, Leyuen van Leeuwen. 

Copy N? 4. 

His Roy'i High^i^ Jiaveing perused a Memoriall from the Ex- 
traordinary Ambassadour of the States Gen'i of the United Prov- 
inces dated the 19*^ instant, is pleased to returne this answer there- 
unto. 

That His R!i High'=? is informed that St. Georges River, there in 
mentioned, is unquestionably within the limits of His R'i High*??* 
territoryes, belonging to Pemaquid in America, and is not in Nova 
Scotia, and hath allwayes beene in the possession of the English. 

That ensigne Knapton was commands of the fort at Pemaquid, 
and its dependancyes, and that he did seise on the person (and ketch) 
of Jean Rodes, in the s^ river of St. George, for presuming to trade 
there, contrary to act of Parliament, and the lawes of that govern- 
ment, haveing neither passports, cleerings, nor certificates from any 
P^nglish place or port. 

That the s^ ketch and part of the cargo, being brought to New 
Yorke, were condemned by due course of law, and in open court, 
wherein most of the magistrates were Dutchmen originally, though 
now inhabitants of new Yorke. 

Notwithstanding which soe reasonable sentence (the si Jean Rodes 
after a very short confinement having allready gotten his liberty) such 
kindness was used herein, that the s'i ketch was restored to the 



39^ Appendix. 

owner and master (John Alden an inhabitant of Boston, from whom 
the si Rodes had hired her, in partnership for a tradeing voyage) 
and that only ten pounds worth of the cargo was distributed among 
the souldiers that fetched her from SI Georges to Pemaquid, the rest 
being all returned by inventory, without payment of any Fees or 
court chardges. 

That the truth of this information can plainely be made out, by 
authenticke papers from New Yorke, for which His RU High^if (if it 
be desired) wil give immediate orders, that they may be sent hither 
by the first opportunity, and if anything farther be necessary for 
the reasonable satisfaction of the States Generall of the United 
Provinces or theire extraordinary AmbassadL touching this matter. 
His RL' High^Jf will att all times hereafter readily grant such 
orders as may most effectually conduce thereunto. 

Whitehall, 23^ September, 1679. 

Letter from the Directors of the West India Company to the Lords 
of the States-General. 

To THE High and Honorable Lords States-General of the 
United Netherlands. 

High and Honorable Lords, — The Directors of the general 
authorized West India Company of these lands did on the i ill^ of 
September, 1676, grant to John Rhodes, an Englishman, a commis- 
sion that he might sail to the coasts and lands of Nova Scotia and 
Acadia, and furthermore that he might trade with the natives of that 
country in quietness and peace ; yet the Directors aforesaid have 
learnt by the advises, at least of the aforesaid John Rhodes, that a 
certain Capt. Napton, being commander of a certain adjacent Eng- 
lish fort, had hostilely prevented him from doing so, and had taken 
him, John Rhodes, prisoner, besides seized his ship and its cargo 
under pretence that by virtue of the aforesaid commission he had 
no right to come there, nor to trade, notwithstanding the aforesaid 
coasts and lands of Nova Scotia and Acadie in the year 1674, by the 



Appendix. 399 

Capt. Jurriaan Aernoutsz, commanding the frigate called the Flying 
Horse of Curasao, and was provided with a Commission from His 
Highness, the Prince of Orange, in name of the aforesaid Company, 
were taken from the French, and consequently, by the right of war, 
became the property of that Company ; therefore, the aforesaid Direc- 
tors have felt compelled to inform by these presents you, the High 
and Honorable, thereof, which we do in all obedience, and humbly 
pray that His Excellency, the Ambassador Extraordinary, in behalf 
of this State at the Court of England, may be informed and advised 
to use all diligence and every obligation with the King, to the end 
that not only the aforesaid John Rhodes may again be set at liberty, 
and his ship and goods be released without cost and without dam- 
age ; but that also His Royal Highness will please provide and enact 
such an order, that the aforesaid West India Company may hold 
quietly and peacefully possession of the aforesaid coasts and lands, 
so that this Company, or any one who may have been sent there by 
them, or may be sent, shall not again be troubled or hindered in any 
manner whatsoever in maintaining the aforesaid possession. 

The doing of which, etc. 

In behalf of the Directors as above. 

C. QUINA. 



INDEX. 



INDEX. 



The names of authors, publications, and other authorities, cited in this volume, are 
placed alphabetically in the Index under the words Attthorities Cited ; names of places, 
towns, and cities, under the word Places ; Kings and Queens, under the word Sovereigns. 
Academic degrees are omitted. 



Abercrombie, Gen. James, 236. 

Acadie, its extent and boundaries, 
early settlement and occupation by 
the French, 129; long contended for 
by France and Great Britain, 130; 
again seized by the English in 1654, 
130, 132; in 1670, restored to France, 
132 ; contention between Massachu- 
setts and the French as to its west- 
ern boundary, 133, 134; in 1674, 
conquered by a Dutch naval force, 
135-140; the Dutch proceed to 
Boston and dispose of their plunder, 
142, 143; a portion of the force re- 
turns to Acadie and captures trad- 
ing vessels from New England, 

144, 145 ; Massachusetts sends ships 
and men to capture the Dutch force, 

145, 146 ; the capture made and the 
prisoners brought to Boston, 147 ; 
the prisoners indicted and tried for 
piracy, and certain of them sen- 
tenced to suffer death, 148-152 ; ac- 
tion of the Dutch West India 



Company in respect to the conquest, 
152, 153; the States-General com- 
plain, and demand the release of the 
prisoners, 154; the King addresses 
a letter to Massachusetts in regard 
to the same, 154; the reply of Massa- 
chusetts, 154-156; Cornelis Steen- 
wyck commissioned by the Dutch 
West India Company to be gov- 
ernor of Acadie and Nova Scotia, 
John Rhoade to be his lieutenant, 
156; Rhoade taken prisoner by the 
English, 157; proceedings of the 
Dutch West India Company and 
the States-General thereupon, 157; 
the King's letter to Massachusetts, 
in 1672, announcing war with the 
Dutch, 341-343; action of Massa- 
chusetts thereupon, 343; letters of 
Count Frontenac respecting the 
Dutch conquest of Acadie, 345-349; 
complaint of John Freake respect- 
ing the seizure of his vessel by the 
Dutch, 349, 350 ; order of the Gov- 



404 



Index. 



ernor and Council of Massachusetts, 
to stop all vessels going eastward 
350-352 ; deposition of Manning, 
captain of Freake's vessel, 352-355; 
examination of the prisoners charged 
with piracy, 355-357; indictments 
of Peter Roderigo and John Khoade, 
35'"^. 359; the defence of Roderigo 
and the other prisoners charged 
with piracy, 360-376; the commis- 
sions of Rhoade and Steenwyck, 
376-381 ; letter of the Dutch ambas- ' 
sador to the King of Great Britain 
in regard to the treatment received 
by Rhoade and others, 382 ; orders 
in Council thereupon, letter from 
the King to Massachusetts, and the 
reply, 3S3-38S. 

Achim, Mary Fulford, 89. 

Achim, Thomas, 89. 

Acton, Catharine, 2S7. 

Adams, Hon. John Ouincy, 41. 

Addington, Isaac, 304, 3*57. 

Aernouts, Capt. Jurriaen, of the 
Dutch frigate Flying Horse, com- 
missioned to capture r»ritish and 
French possessions in North Amer- 
ica, 137, 13S ; makes a conquest of 
Acadie, 139-141 ; proceeds to Bos- 
ton and sells his plunder, 142 ; 
his conversation with Governor 
Leverett, 142, 143 ; commissions 
John Rhoade to hold and occupy 
Acadie, 143; mentioned, 151, 156, 
»59. 354. 355. 357. 361, 363. 364. 
366, 367, 371,376, 3SJ-3S6, 389-394- 

Albee, John, 123 ; his sonnet on 
"The Grave of Capt. Francis 
Champernowne," 124. 

Allen, Bozoan, 307. 



Allen, Samuel, 212. 

Amherst, Gen. JetTrey, 242. 

Andreson, Cornelis, engaged under 
Aernouts in the conquest of Acadie, 
127-142; assists Rhoade in holding 
possession of the same, 143-146; 
taken prisoner by Captain Mosley, 
tried for piracy, and acquitted, 147- 
150; his services in King Philip's 
War, 150; his defence against the 
charge of piracy, 360-376; men- 
tioned, 386-388. 

Andrew, Hon. John A., 39. 

Andros, Sir Edmund, Governor of 
New England, 120; receives the 
surrender of New Netherlands, 137 ; 
mentioned, 197-200, 202, 212, 219, 
318, 319 ; his government of New 
England overthrown, 319; the order 
from the King that he be sent to 
England, 319. 

Archdale, John, 115. 

Argyle, Duke of (John Douglas Ed- 
ward Henry Campbell), 225, 235. 

Arlington, Lord (Henry Bennett), 

343- 
Ashurst, Sir Henry, 15S. 
Athole, Duke of (John Murray), 265. 
Auchmuty, Robert, 229. 
Authorities cited: — 

Almon's Parliamentary Register, 
264. 

Andros Tracts, 322. 

Annals of Astronomical Observatory, 
Cambridge, Mass., 9, 10, ii, 14, 

15. 17- 

Allen's Surrey and Sussex, 232. 

American Antiquarian Society's Pro- 
ceedings, 75. 

Archieologia Americana, 14::, 14S. 



Index. 



405 



Arnold's Rhode Island, 205, 229. 
Athenieum Lilirary Catalogue, 129. 
Bancroft's United Slates, 237. 
lianks's Memoir of Edward God- 
frey, 106, 121. 
Beauties of England and Wales, 7H, 

79- 
IJell's History of Exeter, N. H., 

332. 

Hell's Memorials of the Civil Wars, 

97- 

Belknap's New Hampshire (Far- 
mer's edition), 102, 104, 118, 166, 
178, 189, 193, 197, 199, 200, 204, 
207, 211, 212, 217, 323, 330. 

Berry's Hampshire Pedigrees, 91. 

Boston I'ost Boy, 232. , 

Boston Weekly News Letter, 233. 

Brewster's Rambles about Ports- 
mouth, N. H., 120. 

Brodhead's New York, 137, 13'^, 
199, 200, 207. 

Browning's Huguenots, 74. 

Burke's Extinct l^eerage, 80. 

Burke's Commoners, 69. 

Ikirke's Landed Gehtry, 66, 67, 72, 
78. 

Burke's Visitation of Seats and Arms, 

n. 78. 

Burt's Among the Clouds, 106. 

liurton's Uiary, 106. 

Calendar of State Papers, 69, 74, 75, 

92-98. 
Camden's Britannia, 67. 
Camden Miscellany, 92. 
Carew's Cornwall, 66, 
Charlevoix's New France, 132, 139. 
Church's Philip's War, 205. 
CoUins's Peerage, 91. 
CoUinson's Somersetshire, 90, 91. 



Connecticut Archives, 203. 

Connecticut Colonial Records, 205. 

Davys's Works, 87. 

IJcane's Indenture of David Thom- 
son and others, 178, 181. 

Deane's Records of President and 
Council of New Hampshire, 193. 

De I-'eyster's Dutch in Maine, etc., 

37^^- 
Douglas's Peerage of Scotland, 282, 

295. 
Dover (N. H.) Records, 208, 209, 
Edwards's Ralegh, 67, 72, 74. 
Ellis's Puritan Age and Rule in 

Massachusetts, 3rs. 
Farmer's and Moore's Historical 

Collections, 3ri. 
Folsom's Documents relating to 

Maine, 95, 97, 105, 11 2-1 14, 116, 

117. 
I'olsom's Saco and Biddeford, 65, 

114. 
l'>anklin's Works, 257. 
I'Voude's England, 69. 
i''uller's Worthies, 66. 
Gentleman's Magazine, 264, 266, 

267, 287, 290. 
Gibbon's Life of Dr. Watts, 295. 
Gorges's Brief Narration, 89, 96, 

97- 

Gorges's Narrative, 94. 

Harleian Miscellany, 106. 

Hazard's Collections, 105, 115. 

Hoare's Wiltshire, 90. 

Horace's Odes, 285. 

Hoyt's Notes, Historical and Biblio- 
graphical, on the Laws of New 
Hampshire, 193. 

Hubbard's New England, 166, 178, 
329- 



4o6 



Index. 



Hubbard's Troubles with the In- 
dians, 217. 

Hume's England, 80, 91, 94, 95, 127, 
128. 

Hutchins's Dorset, 90, 96. 

Hutchinson Collection, 117, 133, 142, 
295, 322. 

Hutchinson's Massachusetts, 115, 
i33i 136, 158. 227, 229. 

Independent Chronicle, 263. 

Jenness's Isles of Shoals, 85. 

Jenness's First Planting of New 
Hampshire, iii, 178, 332. 

Jenness's Original Documents, 117, 
119, 183, 193, 291, 292. 

Jewitt's Plymouth (Eng.), 92. 

Jordan Memorial, 112. 

Josselyn's Voyages, 97. 

Lansdovvne MSS., 106. 

London Morning Chronicle, 235. 

Longfellow's Poems of Places, 
123. 

Lower's Family Names, 67, 76. 

Lyson's Devon, 70, 93. 

Lyson's Magna Britannia, 78, 80, 81, 
90. 

Markham's Voyages, 87. 

Massachusetts Archives, 116, 134, 
150, 164, 167, 200, 203-206, 211, 
229, 230, 308, 318, 341, 343, 345, 
347-352, 355. 385- 

Massachusetts Historical Society 
Collections, 120, 130, 166, 199, 
201, 203, 204, 286, 310-3T2, 383. 

Massachusetts Historical Society 
Proceedings, 17, 35, 46, 50, 52, 
163, 170, 178, i8r, 197, 200, 217, 
256, 271, 277, 288, 290, 29t. 

Massachusetts Records, 102, 133, 
136, 150, 152, 197, 200, 201, 211. 



Mather's Magnalia, 164, 171, 204, 
218, 219. 

Mather's Parentator, 310, 320. 

Maine Historical Society Collec- 
tions, 82, 96, 102, 117, 118. 

Memorials English and French Com- 
missaries, 129, 132. 

Moore's Devonshire, 70. 

Murdoch's Nova Scotia, 130, 139, 
200. 

Narrative and Critical History of 
America, 129. 

New England Historical and Genea- 
logical Register. 30, 31, 35, 89, 106, 
no, 118, 130, 148, 219, 236, 288, 
292, 296, 322. 

New Hampshire Historical Society 
Collections, 118, 175, 189, 202, 
203, 205, 210-212. 

New Hampshire Provincial Papers, 
104, 105, 120, 178, 205, 206, 208, 
211, 212, 218, 330. 

New Hampshire Town Papers, 102. 

Newport Gazette, 263. 

New York Colonial Documents, 132, 
141, 218, 312, 324, 325. 

New York, Documentary History 
of, 170, 200, 206, 231. 

Nouvelle Biographie Gendrale, 74. 

Palfrey's New England, 102, 105, 
115, 117, 120, 198, 291, 296,309, 

324- 
Parsons's Pepperrell, 229. 
Perry's Papers relating to the Church 

in Massachusetts, 322. 
Pole's Devon, 70. 
Polwhele's Devonshire, 70. 
Popham Memorial, 83, 89. 
Portsmouth (N. H.) Records, in. 
Prince Collection, 296, 304. 



Index. 



407 



Prince Society Publications, 90, 1 19, 

179. 
Prince's Worthies, (i^^ 69, 70, ^6, 

78, 81, 92. 
Rhode Island Records, 120, 324, 325. 
Rockingham County (N. H.) Deeds, 

III, 221. 
Rushworth's Collections, 95. 
Savage's Gen. Dictionary, 120. 
Sewall Papers, 211. 
Sibley's Harvard Graduates, 14S. 
Smith's General History, 86, 88. 
Smith's New England, 83, 86. 
Stephen's Dictionary of National 

Biography, 87. 
Sullivan's Maine, 105. 
Trelawny Papers, no, 11,2. 
Tuckett's Devonshire Pedigrees, 67, 

70, 72, 74, 86, 89, 03. 
Tuttle's Historical Papers, 36, 323, 

325- 

Tuttle's Mason, 104, 119, 178, 179. 

Vivian's Visitation of Devon, 86. 

Walford's County Families, 76, 78. 

Washburn's Judicial History of Mas- 
sachusetts, 271, 273. 

Wentworth Genealogy, 34, 120. 

Westcote's Devonshire, 66-69, T^i 
76, 78, 79. 

Williamson's Maine, 65, 105, 112, 
115, 117, 118, 121, 139, 218. 

Willis's Portland, Me., 112. 

Wilson's Dissenting Churches, 295. 

Winthrop's New England, 102, 106, 

329, 331- 
York County (Me.) Deeds, 100. 
Avery, Dr. Benjamin, 236, 237. 

Bache, Prof. Alexander Dallas, 15. 
Backhouse, Sir John, 289. 



Backhouse, Samuel, 289. 

Bale, Benjamin, 358, 359, 

Ballard, Gervaise, 307. 

Bampfylde, Sir Richard, Tj. 

Bampfylde, Ursula, 96. 

Bancroft, Hon. George, 158. 

Banks, Charles E., 106, 121. 

Barlow, George, 333. 

Bastide, Capt. John Henry, 235, 

Bateman, John, 358. 

Bath, Earl of, 76. 

Bawden, William, 334. 

Ba.xter, James Phinney, 90. 

Baxter, Rev. Richard, 303. 

Beck, Henry, 334. 

Belcher, Gov. Jonathan, 227-230, 

236, 237. 
Belknap, Rev. Jeremy, 169, 197, 208, 

333- 

Bell, Ann, 96. 

Bell, Edward, 96. 

Bell, Hon. Samuel D., 104. 

Best, Ehzabeth, 283, 288. 

Best Family, 287, 288. 

Beuningen, C. Van, Dutch Ambas- 
sador, his letter to the King, 382 ; 
mentioned, 383-38S> 389^ 39i- 

Beverly, Earl of (Algernon Percy), 267. 

Bird, John, 358, 359. 

Bladen, Catharine, 281. 

Bladen, Nathaniel, 281. 

Blathwayt, William, 324. 

Blaxton, Rev. William, 33. 

Blome, John, 283. 

Bodge, Rev. George M., 118. 

Bollan, William, 229. 

Bolston, Jonathan, 358. 

Bond, Prof. George P., 13, 14, 15. 

Bond, Hannah Cranch, 4. 

Bond, Richard F., 15. 



4o8 



Index. 



Bond, Prof. William Cranch, 4, 8, 10. 
Bonville, Lord, 76. 
Boscawen, Admiral Edward, 242. 
Bourchier, Lord, 76. 
Bradstreet, Gov. Simon, 149, 164, 169, 
2or, 203, 204, 205, 306, 323, 324, 358, 

359- 
Brenton, James, 274. 
Brenton, Mr., 326. 
Brewer, Daniel, 358. 
Bridge, Rev. Ebenezer, 261. 
Bridge, Edward, 358, 359. 
Brockholls, 118, 325. 
Bromfield, Edward, 227. 
Brown, David Paul, 38. 
Brown, Rev. Frederick, xv, 89, 96, 108. 
Brown, Gen. John Marshall, 31. 
Briinnow, Dr. Friedrich, 34. 
Bridges, Sir Egerton, 287. 
Brydges, John, 2S7. 
Budokeside, Roger, 93. 
Budokeside, Winifred, 93. 
Bulkley, Peter, 156. 
Bullgar, Richard, 333. 
Bullivant, Benjamin, 293. 
Burke, Rt. Hon. Edmund, 41, 255. 
Burns, Robert, 234. 
Burrell, Peter, 265. 
Burritt, Elijah H., 4. 
Bute, Earl of (John Stuart), 249, 255. 

Cammond, Abel, 334. 
Campbell, Duncan, 307. 
Campbell, Elizabeth, 235. 
Campbell, Martha, 235. 
Campbell, William, 235. 
Canning, Thomas, 335. 
Carew, Sir Edmund, 68, 74. 
Carew, Sir Gawen, 74. 
Carew, Sir George, 71. 



Carew, Katharine, 68. 

Carew, Sir Peter, 68. 

Caril (Caryl), Rev. Joseph, 297, 300. 

Carr, Sir Robert, 115. 

Cartwright, George, 115. 

Castillion, Douglas, 289. 

Castillion Family, 283. 

Castillion, Dr. John, 283. 

Castillion, Mary, 289. 

Castine, Baron de, 129. 

Cater, Beckford, 293. 

Cater, Grace, 293. 

Chamberlain, Richard, 212. 

Chambly, M. de, 1 39-141, 345-349. 

Champernowne, Arthur, xiv, xv, 70, 
74-76, 86, loi, 102. 

Champernowne, Sir Arthur, 68, 70, 71. 

Champernowne, Bridget, 76, 86. 

Champernowne, Elizabeth, 71, 81. 

Champernowne, Frances, 93. 

Champernowne, Capt. Francis, 31, 33, 
45, 58 ; his ancestry and kindred, 
60-124; baptism, 86; education 
and early associations, 86-88 ; his 
life in New, England, 100-124; 
arrival in New England, 102 ; pur- 
chases land in what is now Green- 
land, N. H., and erects a dwelling, 
103, 104; a councillor in Sir Ferdi- 
nando Gorges's Province of Me, 
106-107 ; a signer of the Hilton 
Patent Combination, 108 ; probable 
return to England, and service with 
the royalists in the Civil War, 108 ; 
sells a portion of his lands in Kit- 
tery. Me., 109; goes to Barbados 
on trading voyages, 109; receives 
grants of land in Greenland, N. H., 
from the town of Portsmouth, no; 
description of his farm in Greenland, 



Index. 



409 



no, III; sells the same, and re- 
moves to Kittery, Me., 11 1; ap- 
pointed one of the agents of Gorges 
for his Province of Maine, and his 
proceedings as such, 112, 113; his 
authority opposed by Massachusetts, 
1 14 ; with his associate agents issues 
a proclamation in the interest of 
Gorges, 114 ; welcomes and aids the 
Royal Commissioners (1664), 115; 
appointed a civil magistrate by the 
Royal Commissioners, 115, xi6; 
again opposed and frustrated by 
Massachusetts, 116, 117; in 1672, 
again unsuccessfully endeavored to 
re-establish the royal government in 
Maine, 117; in 1678, as , one of the 
commissioners appointed by Massa- 
chusetts, made a treaty of peace 
with Indian chiefs in Maine, 118; 
in 1684, nominated councillor of 
New Hampshire by Gov. Cranfield, 
1 19 ; appointed by Massachusetts 
one of the trustees of lands in Kit- 
tery, Me., granted by Gorges and 
others for the benefit of the inhabi- 
tants, 119; a councillor in the ad- 
ministration of President Dudley, 
and in that of Sir Edmund Andros, 
120 ; his character and standing, 
1 1 8- 1 20; his marriage, 120; receives 
a grant of land from the town of 
Kittery, 121 ; his later life, 121; 
makes his Will, 121, 122 ; his death, 
burial, and poetic tributes to his 
memory, 122-124; mentioned, 333, 
334; his Will, 335-338. 
Champernowne, Gawen, ix, 72-74. 
Champernowne, John, 70. 
Champernowne, Katherine, 68, 70. 



52 



Champernowne, Mary (Cutt), wife of 
Capt. Francis Champernowne, 120- 
122,335, 336. 

Champernowne, Mary (Norreys), 71. 

Champernowne, Sir Philip, 68. 

Champernowne, Rev. Richard, xiv, 

Champernowne, Sir William, 93. 

Champlain, Samuel de, 129. 

Charlevoix, Pierre Francois Xavier, 
158. 

Chatham, Earl of (William Pitt), 273. 

Checkley, Anthony, 149, 293, 307. 

Checkley, John, 149, 358, 359. 

Chester, Col. Joseph L., xv, 321. 

Clarendon, Earl of (Edward Hyde), 
323. 

Clark (or Clarke), Benjamin, 226. 

Clark, Dr. John, 226. 

Clark, John, 226, 

Clark, Jonas, 358. 

Clark, Martha, 226. 

Clark, Rebecca, 226. 

Clark, Sarah, 226, 232, 233. 

Clarke, Major Thomas, iii, 133, 149, 

359- 
Clarke, Rev. Dorus, 49. 
Clarke, Gov. Walter, 205. 
Clifford, Hon. Nathan, yj. 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 262, 263. 
Cobbett, Thomas, 214. 
Cobbett, Rev. Thomas, 308. 
Cofllin, Peter, 218-221. 
Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 345, 347. 
Colburn, Jeremiah, 49. 
Coligny, Admiral Gaspard de, 'j'})- 
Collins, John, 117, 142. 
Combinations for local government. 

See New Hampshire. 
Conant, Rev. John, 303. 



4IO 



Index. 



Cooke, Elisha, 325. 

Code, Thomas, 369. 

Coole, William, 333. 

Coolidge, Major Sidney, 16, 18. 

Cornwallis, Earl Charles, 248, 263. 

Courtenay, Edward, 96. 

Courtenay Family, 76. 

Courtenay, Philip, 'j'j. 

Courtenay, Sir Philip, 'j'j. 

Court of Vice-Admiralty over Amer- 
ica, 269-274. 

Coventry, Rt. Hon. Henry, 322. 

Crame, John, 333. 

Cranfield, Edward, Governor of New 
Hampshire, 119, 208, 218, 290, 292, 

334, 335- 
Crawley, Thomas, 333. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 130, 131, 162. 
Cross, John, 335. 

Cunningham, Capt. Nathaniel, 228. 
Cunningham, Nathaniel, Jr., 228, 233, 

234- 

Cunningham, Ruth, 228. 

Cunningham, Sarah, 228, 234, 235. 

Cunningham, Susanna, 228. 

Cunningham, Susannah, 234. 

Cunningham, Thomas, 235. 

Cunningham, Timothy, 228. 

Cunningham, William, 234. 

Currier, Hon. John J., xvi. 

Cushing, Hon. Caleb, 28, n, 35, 39, 
41, 51. 

Cushing, Thomas, Jr., 227. 

Cutt, Bridget, 339. 

Cutt, Elizabeth, 339. 

Cutt Family, 338-340. 

Cutt, John, President of New Hamp- 
shire, 188-194, 208, 338, 339. 

Cutt, Mary, 339. 

Cutt, Richard, 338, 339. 



Cutt, Robert, 336, 338, 339, 340. 
Cutt, Sarah, 339. 

Dalrymple, Charles, 234. 

Dalrymple, James, 234. 

Dam, John, 334. 

D'Andigny, Hubert, 135. 

Danforth, Thomas, 114, 119, 149, 158, 

358, 359- 

Daniell, Thomas, 188, 194. 

Dartington House, description of, 69. 

Dartington House, view of, vi. 

Davenport, John, 359. 

Davies, Major John, 337. 

Davys, Capt. John, navigator, 82, 87. 

Dean, John Ward, author of the Me- 
moir of Charles Wesley Tuttle, i- 
54; mentioned, xii, xv, 32, 36, 58, 
119, 179- 

Deane, Rev. Samuel, 258. 

Debeck, James, 353, 356. 

D'Estrades, Count Godfrey, 128. 

De Monts, Pierre de Guast, 129. 

Denew, Mary, 284, 286. 

Denew, Nathaniel, 284. 

Denison, Gen. Daniel, 149, 359. 

De Peyster, Gen. John Watts, 1 59, 376. 

De Ruyter, Admiral Michael Adriaan- 
zoon, 135. 

Devonshire, Earl of (Edward Cour- 
tenay), 76. 

Dick, Dr. Thomas, 7. 

Dorkins, Capt., 260. 

Dow, Henry, 206, 210, 214. 

Drake, Sir Francis, 66, 74, 82, 87, 99. 

Draper, Sir William, 249, 250. 

Dudley, President Joseph, 120, 212, 
294, 296, 303-309, 3i9> 323- 

Dunstar, Thomas, 335. 

Dyer (or Dyre), William, 312. 



Index. 



411 



Edgeley, Thomas, 214. 

Egerton, Jemima, 287. 

Eliot, Rev. Andrew, 261. 

Elkins, Henry, 333. 

Elliot, Champernowne, 122, 336, 337, 
340. 

Elliot, Elizabeth, 122, 336, 339. 

Elliot Family, 338-340. 

Elliot, Humphrey, 122, 336, 339, 340. 

Elliot, Robert, 210, 214, 337, 338, 340. 

Elliott Family, 340. 

Ellis, Rev. George E., 315. 

Elwyn, Elizabeth (Langdon), 123. 

Elwyn, John, 45 ; his verses on " The 
Grave of Capt. Francis Champer- 
nowne," 122; biographical notice of, 
122 123. \ 

Elwyn, Thomas, 122, 123. 

Essex, Earl of (Walter Devereux), 
92, 94, 297, 300. 

Evans, Mrs. Carrie E., 58. 

Evens, John, 221. 

Exeter, Duke of (Thomas Holland), 80. 

Fairfax, Lord, 97. 

Fairfax, Sir Thomas, 78. 

Faneuil, Peter, 233. 

Fanig (Fanning), Thomas, 358. 

Farewell, George, 293, 307. 

Farmer, John, 166. 

Feild, Darby, 333. 

Ferguson, Robert, 296, 302. 

Finch, Jane, 288. 

Finch, Thomas, 288. 

Finch, Ursula (Best), 288. 

Fog, Mrs. Mary, 281. 

Fogg, Dr. John S. H., xv, 335. 

Follett, John, 334. 

Follett, Nicholas, 210, 214. 

Formont, Sieur, 346. 



Fowler {alias Fulford), Richard, 149, 

152, 356, 357, 388. 

Fox, John, 63. 

Fox Point, Newington, N. H., Re- 
port of an Indian massacre at, 161- 
165 ; the report shown to have been 
false, 165-171. 

Freake, John, 145, 147, 148, 349, 350, 
351, 352, 358, 359. 364, 370, 386. 

Frontenac, Count de (Louis de Buode), 
Governor of Canada, 134, 139, 141, 
207, 211 ; his letter to M. Colbert 
announcing the conquest of Acadie 
by the Dutch, 345-347 ; his letter of 
safe-conduct to M. Normanville, who 
was sent to Boston in behalf of 
French prisoners taken thither by 
the Dutch, 347, 348; his letter to 
the magistrates of Boston, 348-349. 

Froude, James Anthony, 76. 

Froude, Archdeacon R. H., 76. 

Fryer, Nathaniel, iii, 118, 119, 211, 
214. 

Fulford, ancient and distinguished 
family of, 76-78. 

Fulford, Sir Amias, 77. 

Fulford, Sir Baldwin, 76, 'JT- 

Fulford, Bridget, 87. 

Fulford, Rt. Rev. Francis, Metropoli- 
tan of Canada, 'j']. 

Fulford, Sir Francis, 78, 89. 

Fulford House, description of, 78. 

Fulford House, view of, vi. 

Fulford, Mary, 89. 

Fulford, Richard. See Fowler. 

Fulford, Sir Richard, 149, 151, 152. 

Fulford, Sir Thomas, 76, 77. 

Fulford, Ursula, "]•]. 

Fuller, Rev. Thomas, 65, 66. 

Furbur, William, 334. 



412 



Index. 



Case (also Gacge, Gcacli), EdimiiKl, 

337, Zl'^- 
Gage, Gen. Thomas, 256, 257. 
Gaines, Mrs. Myru Clarke, 41. 
Garland, Peter, 334. 
Garner (Gardner), Capt. Andrew, 204. 
Gedney, Col. Bartholomew, 326. 
Gerrish, Capt. John, 164, 209, 214. 
Gerrish, Sarah, loi. 
Gerrish, Col. Timothy, loi. 
Gibbins (or Gibbons), Ambrose, 31, 

330. 
Gibbon, Alice (Taylor), 2S7. 
Gibbon, Anne (Tut'ton), 279, 2S7. 
Gibbon, Catiiarine (Acton), 287. 
Gibbon, Dorotliy (Best), 2S6-2SS. 
Gibbon, Edward, 287. 
Gibbon, Jane, 279, 2S5, 287, 2SS, 
Gibbon, Jemima (Egerton), 287. 
Gibbon, Martha, 2S7. 
Gibbon, Richard, 279, 2S7. 
Gibbon, Thomas, 2S5, 2S7, 2S8. 
Gibson, William, 307. 
Gilbert, Adrian, 70. 
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 66-68, 70, 82, 

^T, 88, 03, 103. 
Gilbert, Kathcrine (ChamiuTnownc), 

70. 
Gilbert, Sir John, 88. 
Gilbert, Otho, 70. 
Gilbert, Capt. Ralegh, 88. 
Gillam. Benjamin, 149, 35S, 359. 
Gilman, John, 18S, 191, 102. 
Glouer ((Clover), Habbaccuk, 35S. 
Godfrey, Mrs. Ann, 112. 
Godfrey, Edward, 121. 
Goffe, Samuel, 3 58, 359. 
GofFe, William, 299, 302. 
Goodell, Abncr C, Jr., xvi. 
Goodwin, William H., 101. 



Gookin, Gen. Daniel, 117, 149, 359, 
Gorges, Ann (Bell), 96. 
Gorges, Ann Howard, 91, 
Gorges, Sir Arthur, 93, 94. 
Gorges, Barbara, 106. 
Gorges, Sir Edmund, 91. 
Gorges, Sir Edward, 91, 93. 
(Gorges, l-^lizabeth, 94. 
Gorges, Ellen, 96. 

Gorges, Sir Ferdlnando, 32, 66, 75, 85, 
88; his ancestry and birth, 89-91 ; 
his military services, 91, 92 ; in com- 
mand ot" the castle and defences of 
riymouth, 92, 93 ; serves under the 
Earl of Essex against the Spaniards, 
and is concerned in the insurrection 
r.iised by the Earl, 94 ; opposes send- 
ing English forces to fight against 
the Brotostants of France, 95 ; re- 
tires from the command at Plymouth, 
and devotes himself to furthering 
his long-cherished projects for colo- 
nizing New England, 95 ; his writ- 
ings in that interest, 95 ; his death, 
95, 96 ; his three marriages, 96 ; his 
character, and his share in coloniz- 
ing New England, 96-100; by royal 
grant becomes proprietor of the Prov- 
ince of Maine, and establishes a lo- 
cal government there, 105-107. 
Gorges, Frances, 94. 
Gorges, Henry, 106. 
Gorges, Honora, 96. 
Gorges, John, 96. 
Gorges, Sir Ralph de, 90. 
Gorges, Capt. Robert, 96, 177, 184, 

185. 
Gorges, Robert, 93. 
Gorges. Rose (Alexander-Mallach), 
106. 



Index. 



413 



Gorges, Thomas, Deputy Governor 
of Maine, 106 ; his ancestry and 
family, 106. 

Gorges, Tristram, 93, 96. 

Gorges, Sir William, 93. 

Gouge, Rev. Robert, 295. 

Gouge, Rev. Thomas, sketch of his 
life, 29s ; forged letter, signed " I. 
M.," addressed to, 296-300 ; men- 
tioned in Dr. Increase Mather's 
letter to President Dudley, 300. 

Gould, Dr. Benjamin Apthorp, 17, 34. 

Gove, Edward, 214. 

Granby, Lord (John Manners), 249. 

Grant, Peter, one of the prisoners cap- 
tured by Capt. Mosely, and charged 
with piracy, I49> i5i> '5^, 356> 357, 
376, 387, 388. 

Green, Henry, 210, 214. 

Greenland, N. H., incorporation of, 
105 ; origin of the name, 105. 

Green, Nicholas St. John, 39. 

Grenville, George, 255. 

Grenville, Grace, 286. 

Gwydyr, Lord (Peter Burrell), 265. 

Hackett, Frank W.,his communication 
respecting the character of Mr. Tut- 
tle, 44-4'5- 

Haines, Hon. Andrew M., xv, 1 10. 

Haines, Deacon Samuel, no, 334. 

Haines, Hon. William P., no. 

Haldimand, Gen. Sir Frederick, 259. 

Hale, John, 307. 

Hall, Prof. Asaph, 16. 

Hall, Rev. Edward H., 49. 

Hall, Ralph, 333. 

Hammond, Joseph, 338. 

Hammond, Capt, Lawrence, 170. 

Hancock, Charles L., 235. 



Hancock, Thomas, 235, 238. 

Hartnup, John, 48. 

Hastings, Thomas, 358. 

Hathaway, Anne, 26. 

Hathorne, 114, 149, 359. 

Haven, Samuel F., his lecture before 

the Lowell Institute, 71. 
Hawkins, Sir John, 66, 82. 

Heard, Capt., 164. 

Heard, John, 334. 

Helme, Christopher, 333. 

Herd, Benjamin, 221. 

Higginson, Rev. John, 308. 

Hill, Valentine, i r i. 

Hillard, Hon. George S., 33. 

Hilliard, Edward, 356, 363. 

Hilton, Edward, 103, 104, 333, 334. 

Hilton Patent, 103, f04, 332-334. See 
Squamscott Patent. 

Hilton, William, 214. 

Hincks, John, 337. 

Hinman, Mrs. H. S., xvi. 

Hirst, Mr., 326. 

Hobby, Morris, 214. 

Hobby, William, 307. 

Hoel, Mary, 339. 

Hogkins, John (Kankamagus), 218. 

Holbrook, John, 359. 

Holland, Sir Thomas, 80. 

Holland, Thomas, 80. 

Hope-Hood, or Hope-Whood (Way- 
hamoo), 217 ; leads an attack by 
Indians at Berwick and Casco, Me., 
and at Salmon flails, N. H., 217, 

. 218 ; signs a treaty of peace (1685), 
and letters to Gov. Cranfield, 218 ; 
conveys his rights in lands in New 
Hampshire to Peter Coffin, 220, 
22r. 

Hooke, Capt. Francis, 338. 



414 



Index. 



Howard, Lady Anne, 91. 

Howard, Charles, 272. 

Howard, John, 281. 

Howard, Robert, 307. 

Howard, Sarah, 281. 

Howard, Lord (Thomas Howard), 

94. 
Howe, Gen. Sir William, 260-263. 
Hoyt, Albert Harrison, 35, 36. 
Hubbard, Rev. William, 217,333. 
Huckins, Lieut., 204. 
Huggins, Robert, 334. 
H unking, Mark, 183. 
Hunt, Bartholomew, 334. 
Huntington, Earl of (John Holland), 80. 
Hurd, Eben, 4. 

Hussey, Christopher, 188, 191. 
Hutchings, Mrs. Hannah Drew, 4. 
Hutchinson, Mrs. Anne, 331. 
Hutchinson, Thomas, 225. 
Hyde, Edward, 289. 
Hyde, Lawrence, 289. 

Illustrations, list of, ix. 

Indian Massacre. See Fox Point. 

Jeffries, Walter Lloyd, 325. 

Jenkins, Sir Leoline, 290, 299, 302, 306. 

Jenness, John Scribner, 45 ; his views 
respecting the Hilton (or " Squam- 
scott ") Patent stated, 104; the same 
reviewed, 332. 

Jewell, Hon. Harvey, 27. 

Jocelyn, Henry, 112, 115, 117. 

Jones, William, 334. 

Jordan, Rev. Robert, 112, 115. 

Josselyn, John, 106, 112. 

Josselyn, Sir Thomas, 105, 112. 

Judson, Randall (or Randolph), ar- 
rested by Capt. Mosley, tried and 



convicted on the charge of piracy, 
147, 151, 354, 356, 376,388. 
Junius, 249, 250. 

Kean, Charles, 24. 

Kean, Ellen Tree, 24. 

Kent, the Fair Maid of, 80. 

Kick, Mr., 299, 300. 

Kilby, Catharine, 233. 

Kilby, Christopher, his ancestry, birth, 
and early business connections, 226 ; 
an active and prominent member of 
the General Court, 227 ; drew the in- 
structions for Mr. Cushing, special 
agent of Massachusetts to the Brit- 
ish Court, 227 ; chosen agent in 
place of Mr. Cushing, 227 ; pre- 
sented the claims of Massachusetts 
to the King in Council, 228 ; chosen 
general agent of Massachusetts to 
the British Court in place of Francis 
Wilks, 228 ; appointed joint agent 
with Robert Auchmuty to prosecute 
the appeal in the disputed boundary 
question between Massachusetts and 
Rhode Island, 229; secured the re- 
moval of Gov. Belcher from office, 
229 ; joint agent with WilHam Bollan 
to obtain reimbursement to Massa- 
chusetts for expenses incurred in 
the reduction of Louisburg, 229, 230 ; 
disappointed in not being made the 
governor of New Jersey, 230 ; en- 
gaged in business enterprises while 
acting as agent, 230 ; agent for Bos- 
ton, in 1755, at the Court of Great 
Britain, 230 ; in 1756, appointed 
agent-victualler of the army serving 
in North America under the Earl of 
Loudoun, 231 ; in 1757, visits Boston 



Index. 



415 



with the Earl, 231, 232; in 1760, 
makes a large contribution of money 
in behalf of the sufferers by the fire 
in Boston, 232; " Mackerill Lane " 
is named Kilby Street in his honor, 
232 ; returns to England and pur- 
chases an estate, 232 ; his death and 
his estate, 232 ; his two marriages 
and his descendants, 232-235 ; his 
letter to Thomas Hancock, 235-238. 

Kilby, John, 226. 

Kilby, Martha, 233. 

Kilby, Rebecca, 226. 

Kilby, Sarah, 228, 232, 233. 

King, John, 354. 

King Philip, 65. 

Kirke, Col. Percy, 253. \ 

Kittery, Maine, origin of the name, 
loi ; description, 109, no. 

Knapton, Capt. Caesar, 157, 389, 391, 
397, 39S. 

Knight, Richard, 359, 

Knowles, Admiral Sir Charles, 229. 

Knollys, Hanserd, 330, 334. 

Lahorn, Henry, 334. 

Lane, Ebenezer J., 7. 

Langdon, Elizabeth, 123. 

Langdon, Hon. John, 123. 

Langhorne, Thomas, 358, 359. 

Langstaff, Henry, iii, 204. 

Larkham, Thomas, 330, 334. 

Lawton, Christopher, 333. 

Layton, Thomas, 334. 

Leavitt, Samuel, 214. 

Leeuwen, D. v. Leyden van, ambas- 
sador from the States-General to the 
Court of Great Britain, his letters 
to the States-General respecting 
Acadie, John Rhoade, etc., and his 



memorial on that subject to the King, 

389-398- 
Leonard, Rev. Abiel, 216. 
Leisler, Jacob, 170. 
Leverett, Gov. John, mentioned, 117, 

130-132, 134, 135, 141-143, 145, 148, 

155, 322, 323, 357, 358, 359, 384, 385. 
Levitt, Thomas, 333. 
Lewis, Philip, in. 
Ley, Lord (James Ley), 102. 
Lidstcne, T., loi, 102. 
Littlefield, Edmond, 333. 
Lloyd, William, Bishop of St. Asaph, 

322, 324. 
Long, John, 359. 
Loudoun, Earl of (John Campbell), 

231, 234, 236. 
Lusher, Eleazer, 114. 
Lynde, Simon, 358. 

Mallach, Rawlin, 106, 107. 

Mallach, Rose, 106, 107. 

Manning, George, 146, 350-359, 364- 

366, 370. 
Margaret of Savoy, 72. 
Marlborough, Earl of (James Ley), 102, 

108. 
Marson, M. de, 140, 141, 346, 348. 
Martyn, Richard, 188, 191, 192, 204, 

211. 
Mason, Capt. John, 31, 32, 35, 45, 50, 

102-104, n4, 176-182, 191,219,278, 

287, 329, 330- 
Mason, Joseph, 1S4. 
Mason, Robert, i\T, 181-185, 187-190, 

219, 278, 279, 287, 337. 
Master, Deborah, 284. 
Master, Elizabeth, 283. 
Master, Gyles, 279, 283, 284, 293, 294, 

307- 



4i6 



Index. 



Masters, William, 344. 

Mather, Rev. Cotton, 163-165, 167- 
169, 171, 309, 310, 320. 

Mather, Rev. Increase, 148, 290; de- 
fendant in a suit for defamation 
brought by Edward Randolph, 295 ; 
a forged letter attributed to him by 
Randolph, 296-300 ; his denial in a 
letter to Joseph Dudley, 300-303 ; 
trial of the suit for defamation, 304- 
308, 309. 

Mathews, Francis, 333. 

Mavericke, Samuel, 115. 

McAdam, Capt. Gilbert, 234. 

McAdam, John Loudoun, 234. 

McKenzie, Andrew, 228. 

McVicar, Charles, 235. 

Mears, Susanna Young, 235. 

Meserve, Col. Nathaniel, 33. 

Mills, Henry, 234. 

Mills, John, 234. 

Mills, Mary, 234, 

Milton, John, 23, 24, 41. 

Mitchell, Thomas, 354, 356, 357, 387. 

Monmouth, Duke of (Charles Fitz- 
Roy), 245. 

Montagu, Lady Mary Wortley, 249. 

Montgomery, Count, 72, 74, 79. 

Montgomery, Gabrielle, 73, 74, 79. 

Moody, Rev. Joshua, 191. 

Moore, Col. Abraham, 234. 

Moore, Benjamin, 358. 

Moore, Fearing, 358. 

Moore, Mary Frances, 234. 

Moore, Susanna Varnum, 234. 

Morrice, Capt., 357. 

Moris, Richard, 333. 

Morris, Lewis, 230, 237. 

Morrow, Lieut. Joseph, 3. 

Morrow, Mary, 3. 



Morrow, Samuel, 3. 

Mosley, Capt. Samuel, 145-147, 149, 

150, 154, 351, 352, 355-356, 365, 366, 

370, 371, 387- 
Mountjoy, Mr., 356, 357. 
Murray, Lord James, 265. 

Nanny, Robert, 334. 

Neal, Capt. John, 330. 

Needham, Nicholas, 333. 

Nelson, Hon. Gilbert, 280. 

Newcastle, Duke of (Thomas Pelham), 
237- 

New Castle, N. H., date of its incor- 
poration, and the origin of the name, 
103. 

New Hampshire, granted to Capt. 
John Mason, 177; Mason's designs 
respecting, 17S; jurisdiction as- 
sumed by Massachusetts, 179-180; 
Robert Mason's efforts to recover 
possession, 180-184 5 ^ royal gov- 
ernment established, 185-187; John 
Cutt commissioned President, 188 ; 
outline of the form and powers of 
government instituted, 188, 189; 
the first magistrates under the com- 
mission, 189-191; organization of 
the government, 192-194; is brought 
under the government of Sir Ed- 
mund Andros, 197 ; on the over- 
throw of Andros is left without 
government, 197-199; suffers from 
Indian warfare, 199-206; the in- 
habitants make efforts to estab- 
lish a government, 206-209 ; they 
invite Massachusetts to reassume 
government, 210; Massachusetts 
consents, and appoints magistrates, 
211, 212; form of government insti- 



Index. 



417 



tuted by the inhabitants in 1689, 
213,214; combinations among the 
inhabitants for local government on 
the lower Pascataqua, at Exeter, 
and within the territory granted to 
Edward Hilton, 329-335. 

Newton, Thomas, 293, 326. 

Normanville, M. de, 347, 349. 

Norreys, Baron (Henry Norreys), 71. 

Norreys, Sir Henry, 71. 

Northumberland, Duke of, 241, 244, 
247. 

Northumberland, Earl of, 246, 265, 
267. 

Nute, James, 334. 

Gates, Titus, 299, 302. 

O'Brien, Viscount of Clare, 244. 

Oliver, Capt. Peter, 344. 

Orange, Prince of, 128, 136, 137, 139, 

140. 
Ossory, Earl of (Thomas Butler), 245. 
Otis, James, 228, 233. 
Otway, Deborah (Smith), 286. 
Ould Robbin, 220. 
Owen, Rev. John, 297, 300. 

Packe, Dr. Christopher, 283. 

Packer, Thomas, 11 1. 

Paddy, William, in. 

Palfrey, Hon. John Gorham, 158, 278, 

309' 314- 
Park, Hon. John Cochran, xiii, 48, 57, 

235- 
Park, Mary Louisa, her marriage, 

48. See Tuttle. 
Parker, Sir Peter, 262. 
Parsons, Humphrey, 307. 
Partridge, William, in. 
Pascataqua. See Places. 
Paulet, Lord, 76. 



S3 



Paxton, Charles, 228. 

Peabody, Rev. Andrew Preston, 36, 
57- 

PelHcorne, Gasper, 361, 363, 364. 

Pepperrell, Lieut.-Gen. Sir William, 
Bart., 229. 

Percival, Hon. Spencer, 272. 

Percy, Hugh, Duke of Northumber- 
land, Lieut.-Gen., his ancestry, 241- 
248 ; his education, 248 ; early mili- 
tary services, 249; his first marriage, 
249; elected to ParHament, 249; 
made Colonel of the Fifth Regiment 
of Foot, 249 ; his appointment criti- 
cised by Junius, and defended by 
Gen. Sir William Draper, 249, 250 ; 
separates from his wife, 250 ; anec- 
dotes of his military life in Ireland, 
250, 251 ; embarks with his regi- 
ment for Boston, 252; character 
and services of his regiment, 244, 
245, 252, 253 ; arrives in Boston, 
252, 253; his residence, 254; a 
township in New Hampshire named 
for him, 254 ; Boston at that period, 
254, 255 ; is made commander of 
the royal troops in Boston by Gen. 
Gage, 255; appointed Brigadier- 
General by Gen. Gage, 256 ; re- 
elected to ParHament, 256; parti- 
cipates in military expeditions to 
Jamaica Plain, Cambridge, and 
Charlestown, 256-258 ; his regiment 
at Breed's Hill and Bunker Hill, 
259; commissioned Major-General, 
359 ; his letter to Gen. Haldi- 
mand, 259, 260; appointed by Gen. 
Howe to command the troops 
designated to drive the American 
forces from Dorchester Heights, 



4i8 



Index, 



261 ; proceeds to Halifax with the 
royal forces, 261 ; commissioned 
Lieutenant-General, 262; displays 
valor at the capture of Fort Wash- 
ington, 262 ; becomes Baron Percy, 
263; takes part in the capture of 
Newport, R. I., 263; having been 
accused by Gen. Howe of dis- 
obeying orders, he obtains leave of 
absence and returns to England, 
263 ; tributes to his character and 
conduct in America, 263 ; his gen- 
erosity, 263, 264; moves the address 
in the House of Lords to the King, 
and defends the officers of the army 
in America, 264; his speech in mov- 
ing the address, 264 ; his second mar- 
riage, 265; his letter to the Rt. Hon. 
George Ross, complaining of neg- 
lect by the ministry, 265; resigns 
the colonelcy of his regiment, and 
becomes commander of the Grena- 
dier Guards, 265; succeeds his 
father as Duke of Northumberland, 
266 ; made General in the army, 
and Knight of the Garter, 266; on 
account of illness withdraws from 
public view, 266 ; his last years, 266 ; 
organizes and supports a large body 
of yeomanry as a military force, 266 ; 
his annual income, 266 ; his death 
and burial, 267 ; his children, 267. 

Pettit, Thomas, 333. 

Philip's War, 150, 152. 

PhiUips, John, 335. 

Phillipps, Sir Thomas, 321. 

Pickering, Charles W., xvi. 

Pickering, Capt. John, 1S3, 208, 211, 
212, 214, 330. 

Pigot, Col. Sir Robert, Bart., 256. 



Pike, Rev. John, 170, 171. 
Pike, Major Robert, 200, 201, 204. 
Pim (or Pym), Charles, 281. 
Pim (or Pym), Mrs. EHzabeth (Ran- 
dolph), 281, 290. 
Pinckhame, Richard, 334. 
Places : — 

Albany, N. Y., 170, 236. 

Amsterdam, Neth., 295, 296, 300, 
301, 377, 380, 381. 

Annapolis, Md., 320. 

Ashton Court, Eng., 96. 

Ashton Phillips, Eng., 95, 

Athlone. Ire., 245. 

Bangor, Eng., 283. 

Barbados, 107, 109, 273, 299, 302, 

325. 339. 340. 

Battcombe, Eng., 106, 107 

Beckenham, Eng., 265. 

Bermuda, 49, 280. 

Berwick, Me., 109, 217. 

Betchworth, Eng., 232. 

Beverly, Mass., 307. 

Biddeford, Me., no. 

Biddenden, Eng., 285. 

Boston, Mass., 12, 16. 27, 34, 39, 
45, 54, S1^ loi, 102, III, 131, 133, 
135, 136, 138, 141-148, 152, 164, 
169, 170, 184, 1S6, 201, 204,211, 
218, 226, 227-234, 237, 238, 241- 
244, 252-262, 271, 286, 288, 291- 
293, 296, 300-304, 311, 312, 318- 
320, 326, 331, 343-358, l^li 364, 
370, 382, 386-388. 

Bosworth Field, Eng., 91. 

Breda, Neth., 128, 129. 

Brighton, Mass., 233. 

Bristol, Eng., 283. 

Bristol, Me., no. 

Brookline, Mass., 54. 



Index. 



419 



Buckland, Eng., 232. 
Budockshed, Eng., 96. 
Cambridge, Mass., 4, 8, 17, 36, 39, 

44, 47, 5 ^ I47» 233, 256, 259, 261. 
Canterbury, Eng., 122, 279, 283-285, 

290, 293. 
Casco (Portland), Me., 118, 134, 

167, 218, 356, 357. 
Charlestown, Mass., 130, 170, 256. 
Cheddar, Eng., 106. 
Chelmsford, Mass., 261. 
Chickamauga, Tenn., 16. 
Cocheco (in Dover), N. H., 164, 

167. 
Cockington, Eng., 106, 107. 
Concord, Mass., 258. 
Concord, N. H ,31. 
Curagoa, W. I., 128, 137, 357, 361, 

376, 382-385, 391, 399. 
Dartington, Eng., 69, 71, 74, 76, 79, 

81, 86, 87, loi, 102. 
Dartmouth, Eng., 64, 68, 69, 75, 

loi, 110, 112. 
Deal, Eng., 284. 
Domfront, France, 73. 
Dorking, Eng., 232. 
Dover, N. H., 3, 5, 7, 11, 12,30, no, 

166, 170, 178, 179, 185, 186, 188, 

198, 205-210, 219, 220, 329, 330, 

333- 
Dover Neck, N. H., 166. 
Eliot, Me., 109. 
Exeter, Eng., 70, 71, 106. 
Exeter, N. H., 104, in, n2, 180, 

185, 186, 188, 192, 198, 207, 209, 

210, 221, 329, 330, 331, 332. 
Falmouth, Me., 64. 
Fern Bank, Eng., 89. 
Fox Point (Newington), N. H., ii^ 

166, 168, 170, 171, 219. 



Galena, 111., no. 

Gemesic (or Gemisic) Fort, 132, 

140, 345 > 362, 365, 368. 
Geneva, Switz., 292. 
Glasgow, Scot., 259. 
Gomerock (or Godmorock), Eng., 

lOI. 

Gorgeana (York), Me., 97, 121. 
Great Fulford, Eng., 76. 
Greenland Dock, Eng., 105. 
Greenland, N. H., 68, 103-105, 108, 

no, III, Z1Z- 
Halifax, N. S., 21, 272, 273, 274. 
Hammes, Eng., 293. 
Hampton, N. H., ni, 178-180, 186, 

188, 198, 206-210. 
Heavitree, Eng., 106-108. 
Ipswich, Eng., 295. 
Ipswich, Mass., no. 
Isles of Shoals, N. H., 64, 85. 
Jamaica, W. I., 130, 325. 
Jamaica Plain, Mass., 6, 257. 
Kinsale, Ire., 252. 
Kittery, Eng., loi, no. 
Kittery, Me., 4, loi, io9-n2, n9- 

121, 170, 339. 
Kittery Court, Eng., no. 
Leamington, Eng., 26. 
Lexington, Mass., 257, 258, 271. 
Limerick, Ire., 245. 
Liverpool, Eng., 18, 26. 
London, Eng., 22, 23, 24, 27, 96, 117, 

121, 130, 228, 230, 234, 256, 259, 

262, 267, 281, 283, 288, 289, 291, 
- 295, 320, 343, 383, 384, 389, 393, 

394, 396, 398- 
Martinico, W. I., 136. 
Modbury, Eng., ()"], 70, 92, 93, 122. 
Monhegan Island, Me., 83. 
Montreal, Can., 236. 



420 



Index. 



Muscongus Island, Me., 152. 

Nantasket, Mass., 369. 

New Albion, 86. 

Newburyport, Mass., 28, 34, 36, 39, 

235- 
Newcastle, Eng , 103. 
New Castle, N. H., 100, 123, 194, 

329, 337, 339- 
Newfield, Me., 3, 4, 37. 
New Haven, Conn., 130. 
Newichawanneck (Berwick), Me., 

164. 
Newington, N. H., 161, 163, 166, 333. 
New London, Conn., 262. 
Newport, R. I., 262, 263. 
Newton Centre, Mass., 226. 
New York, 136-139, 157, 170, 192, 

231-234, 262, 294, 312, 320, 362, 

376, 395- 
Noyon, France, 92. 
Nynehead Court, Eng., 106. 
Oyster River, 166. 
Pascataqua, 64, 75, 82, 84, 88, 100, 

102, 103, 104, 167, 201, 210, 330, 

331. 333, 334- 
Pascataqua River, 108, 163, 166, 178, 

181, 329, 332, 338- 
Pemaquid, Me., 397, 398. 
Pentagoet, Me., 138-140. 
Philadelphia, Pa., 12, 13, 123, 320. 
Plymouth, Eng., 64, 68, 75, 92, 93, 

99. 
Portland, Me., 112, 133, 258, 
Portland, Ore., 41. 
Port Royal, 365, 368. 
Portsmouth, Eng., 231, 389. 
Portsmouth, N. H., 44, 45, 103, no, 

118-123, 164-166, 175, 180, 183- 

193, 198, 205, 207-210, 213, 329, 

338. 339- 



Potuxeut, Md., 281. 

Quebec, Can., 345. 

Rochelle, France, 346, 348. 

Rochester, Eng., 283. 

Rome, Italy, 14, 47, 301. 

Roxbury, Mass., 305. 

Salem, Mass., 144, 255, 257, 326. 

Salisbury, Eng., 284. 

Salisbury, Mass., 200. 

Salmon Falls, N. H , 218. 

Sandridge, Eng., 87. 

Saugus (Lynn), Mass., 130. 

Schenectady, N. Y., 209. 

Sevenoaks, Eng., 283. 

Somerville, Mass., 234. 

South Berwick, Me., 109. 

Squamscott (Exeter) River, N. H., 

104, 332. 
Stratford-on-Avon, Eng., 22, 24-27. 
Stratham, N. H., 333. 
Strawberry Bank (Portsmouth N. 

H.), 166, 329. 
Surinam, South America, 128. 
Swallowfield, Eng., 289. 
St. Budeaux, Eng., 94. 
St. Domingo, W. I., 345. 
St. John, N. B., 362, 368, 383, 385, 

390-394. 
St. Louis, Mo., 48. 
Taunton, Eng., 106. 
Tawton, Eng., 76. 
Totnes, Eng., 69, 79. 
Underleigh, Eng., 'jd. 
Washington, D. C, 248., 
Wells, Me., 170, 338. 
Westbury, Eng., no. 
West Cliffe, Eng., no. 
W^indsor, Eng., 382. 
Woburn, Eng., 130. 
Wraxall, Eng., 96. 



Index. 



421 



Writtle, Eng., 96. 

York, Me., 106. 
Plater, George, 281. 
Piatt, Peter, 289. 
Piatt, Sarah, 288. 
Pomfret, William, ^iZS- 
Poor, Hon. John Alfred, 33. 
Pormort, Philemon, 333. 
Porter, Judith, 287. 
Povey, John, 294, 324. 
Pownall, Gov. Thomas, 231. 
Pryor, Martha, 286. 

Quina, C, 361, 363, 364. 

Quint, Rev. Alonzo H., 5, 30, 34. 

Ralegh, Sir Carew, ^o. s 

Ralegh, Sir Walter, 22, 66, 67, 70, 72, 
82, 87, 93, 98-100, 1 1 J, 123. 

Ralegh, Walter, 70. 

Randolph, Dr. Avery, 2S2. 

Randolph, Bernard, 279, 283-285, 290- 
292, 323, 325. 

Randolph, Catharine (Wake), 284, 286. 

Randolph, Charle.s, 283. 

Randolph, Deborah, 280, 284, 286, 290. 

Randolph, Dr. Edmund, 279, 284, 285. 

Randolph, Edmund, 283, 284, 289. 

Randolph, Edward, mentioned, 33, 118, 
133, 184, 192; Mr. Tuttle's commu- 
nication concerning his character 
and public life to the Mass. Hist. 
Society, 277-279 ; his Will, 280, 281 ; 
his ancestry, 2S2-287 ; his three 
marriages and his children, 285-290 ; 
his brothers Gyles (or Giles) and 
Bernard, 290-292 ; his supposed re- 
lationship to Gyles Master, some- 
time a lawyer in Boston, 293 ; 
charges Dr. Increase Mather with 



being the author of a letter signed 
" I. M.," addressed to the Rev. 
Thomas Gouge, 295 ; the forged 
letter, 296-300 ; Dr. Mather's let- 
ter to Dudley denying the author- 
ship of the letter, and charging 
Randolph with the forgery, 300- 
303 ; Randolph's suit for defamation 
against Mather, and the trial of the 
same, 304-308 ; the question as to 
the authorship of the forged letter 
considered, 291 «., 298, 308, 308 n., 
309; a list of epithets applied by 
historical writers to Edward Ran- 
dolph, 309-311 ; verses concerning 
him, 311-314; his character and ca- 
reer in America considered, 314-318 ; 
involved in the overthrow of the 
government of Andros, sent to Eng. 
land with Andros and others for 
trial by the King's order, and re- 
leased without trial, 318-319; ap- 
pointed surveyor- general of the 
King's customs in North America 
and the British West India Islands 
319; his subsequent movements in 
America, and his death, 320-321 ; 
his letters and papers, 321 ; a list 
of his letters and papers in print, 
322-325 ; his letters to Gyles Ran- 
dolph and John Usher, 325, 326. 

Randolph, Elizabeth, 280, 281, 286, 
290. 

Randolph, Elizabeth (Adcock), 284, 
286. 

Randolph, Elizabeth (Best), 283, 286, 
288. 

Randolph, Frances, 293. 

Randolph, Dr. Francis, 283. 

Randolph, Francis, 284. 

Randolph, Dr. George, 283. 



422 



Index. 



Randolph, Georgiana H. (Sherlock), 

284, 286. 
Randolph, Grace (Blome), 283, 286. 
Randolph, Grace (Grenville), 286, 288. 
Randolph, Gyles, 279, 285, 290-292, 

323, 325- 

Randolph, Rev. Henry J., 293. 

Randolph, Herbert, 283, 284, 2S6, 289. 

Randolph, Rev. Herbert, 284. 

Randolph, Jane, 285, 286, 290. 

Randolph, Jane (Gibljon), 279, 285, 
286. 

Randolph, Jane (Bodden), 283, 286. 

Randolph, Jane (Wilson), 284, 286. 

Randolph, John, 282, 283, 292. 

Randolph, Dr. John, Bishop, 282-284. 

Randolph, Sir John, Knt., 282. 

Randolph, Martha (Pryor), 286. 

Randolph, Mary, 283, 285, 286, 290. 

Randolph, Mary (Castillion), 283, 284, 
286, 289. 

Randolph, Mary (Denevv), 284, 286. 

Randolph, Mary (Packe), 283. 

Randolph, Rosabella Stanhope (Wil- 
son), 2S6. 

Randolph, Sarah, 280, 281, 290. 

Randolph, Sarah (Piatt), 286, 288, 289. 

Randolph, Dr. Thomas, 283, 284. 

Randolph, Sir Thomas, 282. 

Randolph, Sir Thomas (Earl of Mur- 
ray), 282. 

Randolph, Thomas, 282. 

Randolph, WiUiam, 292. 

Randolph, Rev. WiUiam Cater, 293. 

Rawbone, George, 333. 

Rawdon, Lord Francis, 253. 

Rawlins, James, 335. 

Rawson, Edward, Secretary of Mas- 
sachusetts, 343, 344, 345. 35 1 > 352, 
355-357, 388. 



Raynes, Francis, 115. 

Read, Robert, 333. 

Rhoade, Capt. John, 138, 143, 145, 151 
152, 156, 159, 350-352, 354-356; 
his indictment and sentence on the 
charge of piracy, 359 ; his defence 
before the Court of Admiralty, 360- 
376 ; his commission from the Dutch 
West India Company, 377, 378 ; men- 
tioned, 381, 386-388, 391, 393; cor- 
respondence relating to him between 
the States-General and the English 
Court, 389-399. 

Richmond, Earl of (Henry Tudor), 91. 

Rishworth, Edward, 115, 333. 

Robbins, Rev. Chandler, his note on 
the forged letter signed " I.M.," 309. 

Roberts, John, 210. 

Roberts, Thomas, 334. 

Robin-Hood (or Whood), 217, 218. 

Roderigo, Peter, charged with piracy, 
143, 149-151, 155, 352-357; his in- 
dictment and sentence, 358, 359 ; his 
defence before the Court of Admi- 
ralty, 360-376 ; mentioned, 386-388. 

Rooke, Ann, 288. 

Rooke, Sir George, 288. 

Ross, Rt. Hon. George, 265. 

Rosse, George, 295. 

Russell, Richard, 149, 358, 359. 

Russell, Lord William, 297, 300. 

Safford, Edward F., xvi. 

Safford, Prof. Truman Henry, men- 
tioned, 8, 17 ; his reminiscences of 
Charles Wesley Tuttle, 47, 48. 

St. Clair, Lieut.-Gen. James, 229, 236. 

Saltonstall, Robert, 103. 

Sancroft, Archbishop William, 321- 
324- 



Index. 



423 



Saunders, Edward, 108. 

Savage, Richard, 280. 

Scarlett, Capt. Samuel, 148. 

Scottow, Joshua, 338. 

Scottow, Thomas, 338. 

Screven, Bridget, 336, 339. 

Screven, Elizabeth, 340. 

Screven, Rev. Wm., Baptist minister, 
expelled from Kittery, Me., 339, 340. 

Secchi, Prof. Angelo, 14, 47. 

Sedgwick, Elizabeth (Howe), 130. 

Sedgwick, Gen. Robert, 130, 373, 374. 

Sedgwick, William, 130. 

Seymour, Algernon, 246, 247. 

Seymour, Charles, 246. 

Seymour, Sir Edward, 71, 81, 89. 

Seymour, Elizabeth, 247. 

Shaftsbury, Earl of (Anthony Ashley 
Cooper), 296, 300. 

Shakspeare, William, mentioned, 24, 
25, 26, 27. 

Shapleigh, Alexander, 'j^, no. 

Shapleigh, Nicholas, 112, 118. 

Shapley, J. Hamilton, xvi, 112. 

Sherborn, Capt., 164. 

Sherborn, Samuel, 206, 214. 

Sherlock, Col. Francis, 284. 

Sherlock, Georgiana H., 284. 

Sherlock, James, 119, 304. 

Sherman, John, 35S. 

Shirley, Gov. William, 229. 

Shrimpton, Samuel, 145, 291, 323,325. 

Shute, James G., 6, 7. 

Slafter, Rev. Edmund F., 17 ; extract 
from his Memoir of Charles Wes- 
ley Tuttle, 46, 47. 

Small, Elizabeth, 336. 

Small Lines, 220. 

Smith, Bartholomew, 334. 

Smith, Deborah (Randolph), 286, 290. 



Smith, Capt. John, 83, 85, 86. 

Smith, Robert, 333. 

Smith, Dr. Thomas, 286-290. 

Smithson, Sir Hugh, 247, 248. 

Smyth, Elizabeth, 96. 

Smyth, Sir Hugh, 96. 

Somerset, Duke of (Edward Seymour), 

71- 
Somerset, Duke of (Charles Seymour), 

246. 
Southwell, Sir Robert, 288, 290. 
Sovereigns : — 

Charles I., 64, ()■], 95, 105, 109, 332. 

Charles H., 112-117, 132, I3S-I37, 
154-156, 181-193, 244, 245, 298, 
317, 341, 382-394. 

Cromwell, 130, 131. 

Edward I., 80, 90, 91. 

Edward II., 282. 

Edward III., 80, 246. 

Edward VI., Si. 

Elizabeth, 66, 70, 74, 78, 81, 90, 94, 
95, 98, 280. 

Francis I., 95. 

George II., 247. 

George III., 227, 228, 246, 249, 251, 
252, 264, 271, 273, 274. 

Henry II., 6"], 72, 76. 

Henry IV. of France, 92. 

Henry VII., 68. 

Henry VIII., 6"], 69, 71. 

James I., 70, 79, 82, ^t, 90, 98, 176. 

James II., 245, 246,317,337. 

Mary (I.), 69. 

J^Iary (II.), 280. 

Prince of Orange, 128, 136-140, 245, 
361-381, 399. 

Richard II., 80. 
• William and Mary, 207, 245, 317, 319. 
Soward, Robert, 333. 



424 



Index. 



Spenser, Capt., 368. 

Spofford, Harriet Prescott, her recol- 
lections of Charles Wesley Tuttle, 42- 
44 ; her biographical sketch of Mrs. 
Mary Louisa Park Tuttle, 55-59. 

Spofford, Dr. Richard S., 235. 

Spofford, Richard S., 28 ; his tribute 
to Mr. Tuttle, 39-42. 

Spofford, Frances Maria, 235. 

Spofforth, Samuel, 280. 
•Spry, Rt. Worshipful William, Judge 
of the Court of Vice- Admiralty 
over America, 273 ; his death, 273 ; 
his proclamation respecting the 
Court, 273, 274. 

Squamscott Patent, 103 «., 104 «. 

Squando, Indian chief, 118. 

Stanbury, Thomas, 307. 

Stark, Gen. John, 254. 

Starr, Edward, 334. 

Steenwyck, Cornells, mentioned, 153, 
156, 159; his commission from the 
Dutch West India Company as Gov- 
ernor of Acadie, 378-380. 

Stoddard, Simeon, 307. 

Stone, John, 358. 

Storer, William, 334. 

Storre, Augustine, 333. 

Stoughton, Judge William, 149, 156, 

35^> 359- 
Stuart, Lady Anne, 249. 
Suiet, Richard, 368. 
Swadden, Philip, 334. 
Sweetzer, Thomas H., 39. 
Swett, John, 359. 
Symonds, Samuel, Deputy-Governor 

of Mass., 149, 358, 359. 

Taylor, Alice, 287. 
Teddar, Steven, 335. 



Temple, Sir Thomas, 131, 132. 
Thaxter, Mrs. Celia, loi. 
Thaxter, John, 10 1. 
Thing, Jonathan, 214. 
Tiiomas, Hon. Benjamin F., 33. 
Thomas, John, 149, 152, 357, 376, 

387- 
Thompson, Dr. Robert, 7. 
Thomson, David, 82, 178, 181. 
Toby, Henry, 333. 
Treat, Gov., 203, 324. 
Tufton, Anne, 279. 
Tufton, Robert, 279. 
Turfrey, George, 307. 
Tuttle, Charles Wesley, mentioned, 

xi, xii, xiii, xiv, xv ; memoir of, by 

John Ward Dean, 1-54. 
Tuttle Family, 30. 
Tuttle, Lieut. Francis, 5. 
Tuttle, Freeman, 4. 
Tuttle, Prof. Horace Parnell, 4, 13,40. 
Tuttle, John, 3, 205, 208, 210, 214. 
Tuttle, John W., 5, 30. 
Tuttle, Mary, 3, 4. 
Tuttle, Mrs. Mary Louisa (Park), 48, 

54; memoir of, 55-59 ; mentioned, 

xiii, xvi, 235. 
Tuttle, Moses, 3. 
Tyng, Edward, 357-359- 

Underbill, Capt. John, 102. 
Ungroufe, John, 335. 
Urin, Edward, 356, 387. 
Usher, John, 117, 325, 326. 

Van Beuningen, C, ambassador from 
the States-General to the Court of 
Great Britain, his letter to the King 
complaining of the interference of 
the English of Massachusetts with 



Index. 



425 



the Dutch in Acadie, 382 ; men- 
tioned, 383, 384, 385, 389. 
Van Tromp, Admiral Count Cornelis, 

135- 
Vaughan, William, 164-166, 168, 170, 

188, 191, 204, 205, 211, 214, 221. 
Vetch, Col, 254. 

Wadleigh, Robert, 214. 

Wake, Catharine, 284. 

Wake, Dr. Edward, 284. 

Walcott, Humphrey, 281. 

Waldron (or Waldern), Richard, 188, 

191, 200, 204, 211, 214, 334. 
Waldron, Richard, Jr., 200. 
Waldron, William, 334, 350, 356, 364, 

387. 

Walker, Nathaniel, 344. 

Walker, Samuel, 333. 

Walles, James, 333. 

Walpole, Sir Horace, 247, 250. 

Walton, George, 333, 356, i^T. 

Wardell, Thomas, 333. 

Warden, William, 333. 

Warren, Admiral Sir Peter, 229, 
236. 

Warren, Winslow, 52. 

Washington, Gen. George, 259, 
261. 

Wastill, John, 334. 

Waterhouse, Prof. Sylvester, his trib- 
ute to Charles Wesley Tuttle, 
48. 

Weare, Nathaniel, 202, 204, 206, 208- 
211, 214. 

Webb, Christopher, 293. 

Webb, George, 335. 

Webster, Sydney, 28. 

Weeks, J. Clement, xvi. 

Weld, Thomas, 358. 



Wenbourne, William, 333. 

Wentworth, Gov. Benning, 247. 

Wentworth, Hon. John, 3, 49. 

Wentworth, Sir John, 194. 

Wentworth, William, 333. 

West, John, 294. 

Weston, Thomas, Jr., 58. 

Whalley, Major-Gen. Edward, 299, 
302. 

Wharton, Richard, 324, 325. 

Wheelwright, Rev. John, 178 ; ex- 
pelled from Massachusetts, founds 
a church at Exeter, N. H., and a 
local government, 330, 331. 

White, Capt. Paul, 109, in. 

Whitwell, William, 359. 

Wight, Thomas, 333. 

Wilder, Hon. Marshall Pinckney, 
49. 

Wilkinson, Thomas, 326. 

Wilks, Francis, 228. 

Willard, Simon, 230, 358, 359. 

Williams, Gov. Francis, 330. 

Williams, John, 143, 149, 152, 253,357, 

387. 
Williamson, Sir Joseph, Secretary of 

State, 155, 383, 384. 
Willington, Richard, 358. 
Wilson, Gen. Sir Robert, 286. 
Wilson, Rosabella Stanhope, 286. 
Wilson, Samuel, 281. 
Wilson, Thomas, 333. 
Winslow, Gov. Josiah, 311. 
Winthrop, Adam, 307. 
Winthrop, Hon. Robert Charles, his 

remarks on the death of Charles W. 

Tuttle, 50, 51. 
Wiswell, Capt., 165. 
Witherick, Mrs. Elizabeth (Cutt-Elliot), 

1 01, 340. 



54 



426 



Index. 



Witherick, Robert, 340. 
Withers, Thomas, 109, no, 115. 
Wolfe, Major-Gen. James, 242. 
Woodbury, Hon. Charles Levi, xvi, 

37 ; his tribute to Charles W. Tuttle, 

49. 



Woodman, Capt. John, 164, 209. 
Woodmansey, John, 358. 
Woolsey, Cardinal, 24. 

York, Duke of (Thomas Stuart), 177. 
Young, Rev. Edward, 43. 



University Press : John Wilson & Son, Cambridge. 



